Where Do We Go From Here 5h4n6w

Greenberg 1 Daniel Greenberg Professor Jack Selzer English 083T 9 December 2011 Rhetoric behind “Where Do We Go From Here?” !

During the summer months of 1967, rioting and black power took over the black

community in much of the North and South. Large riots occurred in Newark and Detroit, and SNCC was becoming more and more radical and popular. Martin Luther King wanted to affirm his belief of non-violence and his strong stance can be seen in his speeches and public statements; more specifically in “Where Do We Go From Here?,” his last address as president to of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. In this “timeless and powerful reminder of Martin Luther King Jr.’s comprehensive vision of racial justice” (Kennedy 165), King constantly refers back to the question of “where do we go from here,” implying that much more still needs to be accomplished to bring justice to the black community. !

Martin Luther King delivered his speech, “Where Do We Go From Here?,” on

August 16th, 1967 to the 10th annual Southern Christian Leadership Conference in Atlanta, Georgia. His audience for the speech was a group of about 1,000 from the SCLC, a group that King himself had started and was currently President of. These were people who shared his same ideals and people who were heavily involved with the church, a mecca for the Negro community in the south. These were people who were interested in advancing the cause of civil rights but by non-violent means. With the SCLC as his audience, it was easy for King to voice his concerns with the new types of

Greenberg 2 movements that were forming. King wanted to express that he felt somewhat threatened that Black Power may be making a significant move into civil rights activism. I believe that he successfully captures his audience’s attention at many points through the address and holds it. King makes it known that he wants to save the SCLC from becoming a violent organization. !

Towards the mid months of 1967, violence was erupting throughout cites in the

east and midwest, most notably in Newark and Detroit. The two riots were both very similar in nature, in that they both lasted about five days long and saw a myriad of arrests and injuries, as well as momentous deaths. The black community had been taking a non-violent approach towards discrimination, but violent events towards community would soon deeply anger them and as a result, the white governments saw backlash from the black community. This backlash resulted in some of the most devastating riots in the history of the nation, but certainly helped to make a statement. Even though fragmentation1 occurred within the black community regarding rioting and anger, King still maintained his position. On Monday, August 14th, 1967, The Atlanta Constitution reported that King stated on national news that “racial disorder in American cities is a national emergency that should be met immediately.” King told the paper that in his speech to the SCLC convention, “he would urge individual to work through existing peace groups” (“King Warns”). Although he was preaching to the choir, one of the main goals of “Where Do We Go From Here” was undoubtedly to encourage non-violence.

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Fragmentation in the community was being caused by the black power movement and ideals originating in the south by the Black Panther party and Stokely Carmichael. Community were split with adhering to King’s non-violent movement or trying a new approach to solve the problem.

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At this time, the ideas of Black Power were running through every African

American’s mind. The two major organizations preaching Black Power, or at first black nationalism, The Nation of Islam (NOI) and the Black Panther Party (BPP) were growing quickly. These two parties are commonly associated with the disparagement of whites and approval of self-defense, two major ideas that conflicted with the goals of the SCLC and the Congress on Radical Equality (CORE) but helped the NOI’s leader, Malcolm X, attract new . But it was not the violent aspect that began the Black Power movement, it was the idea of nationalism and separatism. The movement was built on the idea of black nationalism, that is, almost complete separation from white culture and government. Black nationalists believed that they could attain liberation by ing and fostering black institutions to properly serve their community. It was not until the mid 1960’s that black nationalism began to drift towards “urban rebellions” and popularization of the term “Black Power”(Ogbar 3, 37-39). These two organizations and representatives of them often denounced King as a “clown” and accused him of being a “Christian who had been duped by the devil...who implored his followers to love their racist oppressors” (43). Interestingly, when discussing the topic of civil rights and violence, people tended to discuss how King preached non-violence more than they discussed the radical and violent ideas of the Black Power movement. !

Dr. King, addressing people who were on the other side of the spectrum, urged

them not to fall victim of the “black nationalism” plague. He believes that showing the white people that they are peaceful and want to become one with their society will eventually prove that blacks are not animals, but are indeed very humane, even more so than the whites in a sense. King did not completely go against violence; he expected

Greenberg 4 it. In Jeffery Ogbar’s exposition on Black Power, he states, “civil rights activists expected violence from white civilians during marches,” (42) and understood that they were sending a powerful message by resisting retaliation. Ironically, when making speeches and entering into densely populated areas, he was protected by armed bodyguards (48). In respect to that theory, King cannot be classified as “non-violent” but as one who was “committed” to non-violence. !

Dr. King begins his address by welcoming the of the SCLC as “my

brothers and sisters from not only all over the South, but from all over the United States of America” (King, Martin 171). By addressing his audience in this manner, King quickly sets a precedent for the rest of his speech, where he draws the audience in on a personal level. The first main point King makes is that progress has been made and adversity has been overcome. He states, “in assault after assault, we caused the sagging walls of segregation to come tumbling down,” and that, “ten years ago, Negroes seemed almost invisible to the larger society...but today civil rights is a dominating issue in every state, crowding...the daily conversation of white Americans” (King 172). Continuing the precedent he set at the beginning of his address, it is important to note that he uses ‘we’ when saying how the Negro community has made much progress by being persistent. Through persistence alone, according to King’s non-violence theory, the Negro community pushed through and made progress in eradicating segregation. The way he proves his points makes it almost impossible for his audience to doubt his authority. He makes his statement clear that violence is not the way to go and is not nearly as effective. He goes on to say, “over the last ten years the Negro decided to straighten his back up, realizing that a man cannot ride your back unless it is

Greenberg 5 bent” (Claybore 173). This really gets the crowd excited and really draws them in by bringing up images they can relate to. Before moving onto his next point, he once again draws the audience in even more by using ‘we’ on multiple occasions: “We made our government write new laws....We made an indifferent and unconcerned nation rise from lethargy....We gained manhood” (173). If they have gotten this far without violence, why should they turn to it now and stoop down to the white mans level; you cannot fight fire with fire. King speaks right to the people, almost getting the hair on their back to rise by reminding them that much has been done. !

King rallies his audience even more by taking inventory of all their actions from

the past year. First, King brings up the struggle their “brothers” faced in Grenada, Mississippi during the Grenada County Movement. The Negro citizens of Grenada ed together to lead successful non-violent retaliation against the government. He applauds Grenada’s actions because they overcame discrimination and the government through persistent non-violence. They did not form their own schools or their own governing body, they incorporated themselves into the system that was already established. King alerts his audience that they can never forget the courageous, nonviolent actions of the citizens of Grenada in moving, “our nation and its federal courts to powerful action in behalf of school integration, giving Grenada one of the most integrated school systems in America” (King, Martin 174). In his recount of the Grenada Movement, he makes sure to emphasize the importance of non-violence and its successful results. !

Dr. King reports that about 80 counties in the south have organized voting

registration drive and close to 150 counties conducted “political education and get-out-

Greenberg 6 the-vote efforts” (King, Martin 174). He continues by stating how the Citizenship Education Program has been successful with adult education regarding literacy, consumer education, and planned parenthood in almost ten states in the south (175). !

However, the most substantial advancements had been made in Chicago with

Operation Breadbasket. Dr. King says, “Through Operation Breadbasket we have now achieved for the Negro community of Chicago more than twenty-two hundred new jobs with an income of approximately eighteen million dollars a year, new income to the Negro community” (176). Operation Breadbasket did not just create employment, it also brought big business to the Negro community. Financial institutions in Chicago began to aid small Negro businesses and companies began to hire more Negro contractors. Operation Breadbasket simply said, “that we will no longer spend our money where we can not get substantial jobs” (178). King highlights that Operation Breadbasket integrated black citizens and business int the white community, instead of branching off and crating their own sub-community. Yet again, King addresses the crowd on a personal level by using “we”, referring to himself and the audience as a group. By dumping these impressive facts into the crowd, King is able to maintain his audience’s attention and keep them drawn in for his main argument. !

The economic gains made from Operation Breadbasket leads me into Dr. King’s

next point, that even though there has been a great deal of progress, “the problem is far from solved,” and, “the plant of freedom has grown only a bud and not yet a flower” (173). No one knows exactly what the audience was thinking about Black Power, but King makes it clear that that non-violence is more effective. He could not risk losing

Greenberg 7 his own followers to the new movement or he would lose all authority and . Who would follow someone who could not keep their own movement intact? !

After working up his audience with the good news, King brings up the bad news.

He bluntly tells the audience, “With all the struggle and all the achievements, we must face the fact, however, that the Negro still lives in the basement of the Great Society. He is still at the bottom, despite the few who have penetrated to slightly higher levels” (King 181). But King does not stop there; he sheds even more truth on the situation: “Negroes are still impoverished aliens in an affluent society. They are too poor even to rise with the society...It was done to him...He was enslaved” (181-2). King describes that the Negro’s free labor in the cotton fields, forced by slavery, helped to establish the United States as a significant nation for international commerce. Amidst all the growth, the Negro was left behind, almost as if he did not exist (182). !

This argument that King brings up helps to establish his major argument within

his address and leads to the most powerful age of the speech: Now in order to answer the question, ‘Where do we go from here?’ which is our theme, we must fist honestly recognize where we are now. When the Constitution was written, a strange formula to determine taxes and representation declared that the Negro was 60 percent of a person. Today another curious formula seems to declare his is 50 percent of a person. Of the good things in life, the Negro has approximately one half those of whites. Of the bad things of life, he has twice those of whites. Thus, half of all Negros live in substandard housing. And Negroes have half the income of whites. When we turn to the negative experiences of life, the Negro has a double share. (182-3)

Greenberg 8 As previously mentioned, King is emphasizing that although there has been lots of progress towards segregation and things are much different than they were ten years ago before the SCLC was established, the Negro man is still far below the white man in society. By repeating of the same idea through different points, King attempts to convince the audience that in order to gain more respect as individuals and become equal with white people, Negroes need to keep practicing non-violent activism. Even though there is much headway that needs to be made, they must not resort to violence in hope of quicker results. But if the black community sticks to practicing non-violence in the same manner, this process could take a while. The black community would surely be discouraged if they would be fighting for equality for another 20 years. So next, I will discuss how King believed equality could be achieved in the short term and what steps he thought should be taken immediately. !

Where does the black community start? Foremost, they must develop a sense of

proper morals and values and assert their “dignity and worth” (King 183). He proclaims that Negroes shall no longer be ashamed of their skin color. They should consider themselves on an equal level with whites, not as a separate group. The black community must overcome the negative looks towards themselves and be proud of who they are. Without confidence, its hard to get anywhere in life. According to King, they must disregard the sixty offensive for blackness in Roget’s Thesaurus (183) and realize that their is value in the black and white community. To be able to elevate the activism movement, Negroes must tell themselves that they can overcome, that they are men just like white men, and white children are just as innocent, and guilty, as black children. King challenges his audience to conquer adversity. He says, “As long as the

Greenberg 9 mind is enslaved, the body can never be free” (184). King takes on an inspirational persona, encouraging his audience that this can easily be accomplished if they stay confident and dedicated to non-violence because that will only bring them more trouble. !

“No one can deny that the Negro is in dire need of...legitimate power. Indeed,

one of the great problems that the Negro confronts is his lack of power” (King, Martin 185). King’s second key point he touches upon is the challenge to discover how Negroes can organize their strength into economic and political power. It is important to note that he says “legitimate” power, differentiating from Black Power. On numerous occasions throughout the paper, he brings up the point up “legitimate” power and that the Negro should be focusing on “political and economic” power instead of “Black Power”. The Negro has undoubtably been constricted to a life of “voicelessness”. With every point King brings up, he is able to hold the attention of his audience since they can relate to the events he discusses. King maintains his authority by stating extremely valid points that no one else would it. He states, “The plantation and ghetto were created by those who had power, both to confine those who had no power and to perpetuate their powerlessness” (185). This statement holds lots of validity when addressing why Negroes do not hold high positions of power. King argues to prove to his audience that the black community must attain legitimate political and economic power to overcome adversity; they must run for elected offices and work their way up the business ladder. !

King holds quite controversial ideas about power. Power and love have often

been contrasted as opposites, where those with power have no love for their superiors or fellow citizens and those with little power hold lots of love for others. However, King

Greenberg 10 believes it is the opposite where, “power without love is reckless and abusive, and that love without power is sentimental and anemic. Power at its best...is love implementing the demands of justice, and justice at its best is love correcting everything that stands against love” (King 186). Essentially, King is saying that if one with power has no love, then that person will abuse their power to no end. Love without any power leads to weakness. King believes, when used correctly, power results in ones love leading to fairness. Indirectly, King is referencing the concept of Black Power. Those who are following the ideas of Carmichael may think they have power with their violence, but they essentially have no love. The SCLC is faced with a challenge where they have the love part, but need to gain more power without losing their composure of non-violnce. Whites have dominated the category of power without love and Negroes have dominated the opposite. King, disappointed, states that this has led to civil rights extremists trying to move up to the white man’s level of power without love, resulting in violence (186-7). King effectively stresses that “immoral power with powerless morality...constitutes the major crisis of our times” (187). Throughout this section of the speech and many others, King refutes Black Power in his speech, even though he barely uses the term Black Power or any other associated with the movement. He does not put anyone down as some of the leaders of the NOI did; he takes an indirect route. !

King effectively transitions from relating the problem of power with economics

and unemployment. Once again he sets forth a challenge to his audience, saying, “We must create full employment, or we must create incomes” (King, Martin 187). With employment will come power. With more Negroes entering the workforce, they will be

Greenberg 11 present in different fields and eventually gain some type of income equality. King stresses the importance of Negroes becoming more of consumers and backs up his theory with valid arguments. He says, “Personal conflicts between husband, wife, and children will diminish when the unjust measurement of human worth on a scale of dollars is eliminated,” (189) stating that if Negroes eliminate or lower the problem of money in their lives, people will be able to live together much more peacefully. The audience oftentimes can hear Kings preacher like qualities and his style of increasing the volume of his voice when making a strong point. He quickly draws his crowd back for full attention when he says, “I say to you today, that if our nation can spend thirty-five billion dollars a year to fight an unjust, evil war in Vietnam, and twenty billion dollars to put a man on the moon, it can spend billions of dollars to put God’s Children on their own two feet,” (189). Through the words alone, one can tell that Dr. King is speaking from his heart and is raising his voice. He stresses the importance of the future here. If a peaceful future is what people want, that is what must be practiced. Black and white children must learn that they are equal and can live together without racism and discrimination. How will the black community, a minority, develop in this huge nation if they separate? !

To keep the audience calm and prevent them from getting rowdy, King proceeds

to remind the audience that “we” must reaffirm “our” obligation to stay non-violent. He indirectly references that Black Power is the wrong way to turn. Yet again, he backs up his argument with valid explanations and ideas. He says “There is something painfully sad about a riot. One sees screaming youngsters and angry adults fighting hopelessly and aimlessly against impossible odds. Deep down within them, you perceive a desire

Greenberg 12 for self destruction, a kind of suicidal longing” (King, Martin 189). The method of bringing his audience up on their feet and then quickly bringing them down is a common method that can be seen throughout King’s speeches. He continues his argument to convince the of the SCLC and media expressing that those who believe that violence is an effective method of activism have trouble proving what positive gains have been made as a result. Similarly, he convincingly argues that those who believe in “internal revolutions” fail to see that they have never succeeded and that “organized protest demonstrations” are much more efficient and effective (190). Anyone in the audience who has the thought of violence or is thinking of turning to Black Power is reminded by King that riots are disastrous and never have better outcomes than staying non-violent. !

King uses the end of his address to the SCLC to emphasize his call for non-

violent activism. He preaches, “This is a time for action...what is needed is a strategy for change, a tactical program that will bring the Negro into the mainstream of American life as quickly as possible,” and proclaims that he stands by his fellow brothers and sisters for non-violence (King, Martin 191). Repetition is used heavily to emphasize his ideals and is a major literary style he uses to keep his audience drawn in. Along with repetition, King often uses inspiring phrases. For example, in completing an idea he ends with, “For through violence you may murder a murderer, but you can’t murder murder. Through violence you may murder a liar, but you can’t establish truth....darkness cannot put out darkness; only light can do that” (191). It is this type of statement that gets his audience to think about the message he is trying to convey in a more sophisticated manner, and with time people understand it.

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In short, Dr. King successfully convinces the of the SCLC that they

need to come to see that “the problem of racism, the problem of economic exploitation, and the problem of war are all tied together” (King 194). His method of preaching helps as a type of hook to get the audience alive and active within his address. On multiple occasions he references God and the bible. Repetition is undoubtably a preaching quality that builds up emphasis; he continually repeats, “Let us be dissatisfied” during his closing remarks and repeats “we” heavily when discussing how adversity will be overcome. The media revered King’s speech as, “fire-eating,” and, “emotion packed” (Gaines, Marion. "Economic). The Atlanta Constitution reported that King’s arguments for non-violent civil disobedience were very convincing. King effectively uses his bully pulpit that he has worked hard to attain to fight for non-violence and encourage the Negro community that in order to progress further, economic power must be attained and Black Power must be disregarded.

Greenberg 14 Works Consulted !

Crowell, Charlene. "From SCLCs 1967 Convention to 2011s King Dedication:

Where do we Go from here?" Sun Reporter: 5. Ethnic NewsWatch. Oct 20 2011. Web. 6 Dec. 2011 . !

Ellis, Catherine, and Stephen Smith. Say It Loud: Great Speeches on Civil Rights

and African American Identity. New York: New, 2010. Print. !

Gaines, Marion. "Economic Power Is Answer, King Stresses at Conference." The

Atlanta Constitution 17 Aug. 1967. Print. !

Gaines, Marion. "King Calls for a New Drive Of Massive Civil Disobedience." The

Atlanta Constitution 16 Aug. 1967. Print. !

Herbert, Dick. "New World Needs New Men, SCLC Conference Told." The

Atlanta Constitution 15 Aug. 1967. Print. !

"King Warns of Possible Mass Vietnam War Protests." The Atlanta Constitution

14 Aug. 1967. Print. !

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Landmark Speeches of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. New York: IPM (Intellectual Properties Management), in Association with Warner, 2002. Print. !

MontanaMaven. "‘Where Do We Go From Here’ Speech of Martin Luther King, Jr,

August 16, 1967." Web log post. The Economic Populist. 21 Jan. 2008. Web. 5 Dec. 2011. . !

Ogbar, Jeffrey Green. Black Power: Radical Politics and African American

Identity. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 2005. Print.