Sex And Sexuality Among Muslim Javanese Youth 4r2d

111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111I

200611663

Reproducing respectability: sex and sexuality among Muslim Javanese youth

Nancy J Smith-Hefner

Despite the fact that, like so many other Muslim-majority countries, Indonesia has been in the thick of a Muslim resurgence now for over twenty-five years, Indonesians widely assume that today's youth are far more sexually active than their predecessors in previous generations. This assumption is ed by the salacious media s of high school call-girls and sex-paged co-eds, as well as by the very real evidence of a popular youth culture whose sexual behaviors seem strikingly at odds with those of their elders. In cities like Yogyakarta in Central Java, young people can be seen at cafes, fast-food restaurants, and malls, wearing tight fitting jeans and tee shirts, holding hands and even embracing. Saturday nights in Yogyakarta's central square (the a/fm-alrm) young couples park on motorcycles, laughing and flirting openly. Others seek out the dim shadows of the walls around the sultan's palace where it's possible to steal a furtive kiss or meet in the cool darkness of the bridge embankment (je11lbatan) at Kaliurang. On the opposite side of town, the well-heeled crowd can be seen entering Western-style discos and hotel bars where the music blares, the dance floors are full, and customers eagerly negotiate the purchase of ecstasy or sex. All of- these behaviors, needless to say, violate 'traditional' Javanese and Muslim norms and are taken as proof of the moral laxity of today's youth. Developments in Indonesian youth culture Robert Altman's thesis concerning the emergence of an increasingly globalised, homogeneous, and Western-style sexuality (AItman 2001). In the global marketplace of products and ideas, AItman argues, the dominant sexual styles tend to be Western - specifically Americanones in which the focus is placed on individual rights and personal Ret'iell' of Indonesian and Malcrysian Affairs, vo!. 40, no. 1 (2006), pp. 143-172.

Copyright of Full Text rests with the original copyright owner and, except as permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, copying this copyright material is prohibited without the permission of the owner or its exclusive licensee or agent or by way of a licence from Copyright Agency Limited. For information about such licences Copyright Agency Limited on (02) 93947600 (ph) or (02) 93947601 (fax)

144

Smith-Hefner

desires. Altman further speculates, 'the impetus of globalization is almost certainly to both break down existing taboos (e.g., the very high on premarital virginity for women) and lead to a gradual convergence of sexual behavior across different societies' (Altman 2001:38). Indonesian clerics and moral reformers themselves identify the pernicious effects of Westernisation on the nation's youth in their imioned calls for moral reform to stern the libertine tide. Public moral panics and sensational allegations of widespread sexual licentiousness among Indonesian youth, however, have overshadowed the impact of a resurgent Islam on young people's sexual understandings and behaviors. Both media s and Western studies of Indonesian Muslims have tended to overlook the emergence among young middle-class Indonesians of a new, more selfconsciously Muslim sexuality. Indonesia is the world's most populous Muslim nation. About 55 per cent of its 220 million people are Javanese, and approximately 94 per cent of ethnic Javanese are Muslim. Although fifty years ago the Islam to which most Javanese subscribed was a syncretic variety which blended Sufism and folk Islam with trace elements of animism and Hindu-Buddhism (C Geertz 1960), in the last two decades of the New Order period (1966-98) Indonesia experienced an unprecedented resurgence in Islamic piety and devotion. The resurgence has had a particularly powerful impact on young educated Indonesians as evidenced by the large numbers of women who now veil on school campuses, the increase in attendance at religious study groups (pengtyian), and the rise in popularity of conservative Muslim student organisations (Hefner 2000; Kraince 2003; Madrid 1999; Smith-Hefner forthco,ming, 2007). In this article I consider recent social trends as well as public controversies surrounding middle-class Javanese youth, Islam, and shifting sexual norms. Using the optic of widespread changes in patterns of education and marriage, I examine the anxieties engendered by new social mobility and economic opportunities for Indonesia's middle class and the appeal of a, more religiously normativised Muslim sexuality. Against the backdrop of public moral

Reproducing respectability

145

panic and purported decadence and promiscuity, I consider how and why many middle-class Javanese young people are adopting more explicitly Islamic models of sex and sexuality.! Research for this article was conducted during nine months of fieldwork in the south-central Javanese city of Yogyakarta in 1999 and four subsequent month-long visits between 2001 and 2005. Often referred to as 'a city of education,' Yogyakarta is home to dozens of high schools and more than ninety colleges and universities; it also hosts a wide variety of Muslim and non-Muslim religious institutions. The research on which this article is based focused on Muslim Javanese students currently attending or recently graduated from two of Yogyakarta's most distinguished universities: Gadjah Mada University (UGM), a large, non-denominational, public university, and the nearby Sunan Kalijaga National Islamic University (UIN), a smaller, stateed institution of higher Islamic learning. Students come to Yogyakarta from across Java and the wider Indonesian archipelago and are broadly representative of Indonesia's aspiring middle-class. 2 Youth sexuality and the New Order Contemporary debates surrounding youth sexuality in Indonesia can only be fully understood within the context of the extensive development initiatives implemented during the Suharto-dominated 'New Order' era (1966 to May 1998). New Order programs and policies, particularly those related to population regulation, marriage, and universal education, effected a dramatic transformation in the definition of Indonesian youth. By significantly prolonging the period between the onset of puberty and marriage, government initiatives have had a direct and powerful impact on youth sexual behavior. Under Suharto's New Order, state institutions attempted to link sexuality to fertility and confine both to the bonds of legal marriage. Although Indonesia's first president, Sukarno, viewed contraception and family planning as cultural inventions designed to secure the West's imperialist domination, President Suharto regarded population control as imperative for Indonesia's long-term development. Not long after coming to office, he established the National Family Planning Board and instituted a program for the mass

146

Smith-Hefner

distribution of modern contraceptives (parker 2001). State-supplied contraception emphasised female methods of fertility regulation, including the IUD, the pill, implants, and sterilisation. Participation in the program and access to the contraceptives it distributed were strictly limited to married couples (pasal1gal1 usia subur literally, 'couples of fertile age'). The state was constrained in the degree to which it could address youth sexuality by the social conservatism of ordinary Indonesians as well as the concerns of Muslim leaders. 3 Both groups expressed the fear that making contraceptives available to unmarried youth would encourage sexual promiscuity. Muslim organisations endorsed abstinence and early marriage as the appropriate solutions to the problem of youth sexuality (Niehof & Lubis 2003). Other New Order initiatives, however, effectively encouraged the postponement of marriage. In 1974 the government enacted important new marriage legislation which established the minimum age for marriage as 16 for women and 19 for men. It also 'enshrined the principle that the consent of both parties must be obtained prior to marriage' (Robinson & Utomo 2003:6). Perhaps even more critical, in the late 1970s, the government began an ambitious program of educational expansion, building schools - both secular and Muslim - even in remote villages and training teachers to staff them (Hefner 1990; G. Jones 1994; Robinson 2000). Identifying education as crucial for human resource development as well as national development, the state made primary education compulsory first through grade six and, beginning in 1989, through grade nine Oohnson, Gaylord & Chamberland 1993:8; Robinson and Utomo 2003:6). By 1995, 94 per cent of boys and girls aged 7 to 12 years were in primary school (Republik Indonesia 1996:10 cited in Robinson 2000). The percentage of youths completing senior high school grew from 4 per cent to more than 30 per cent today (Hefner 2000:17). During this same period, New Order economic policies shifted emphasis from agriculture to a· program of industrialisation and light manufacturing. New employment opportunities in factories, the greatly expanded civil service, and the service sector served as an incentive for parents to keep their children in school with an eye to obtaining a well-paying job and a foothold in the emerging middle-class.

Reproducing respectability

147

By the end of the New Order period, growing numbers of Indonesian youth were postponing marriage to take advantage of new opportunities in secondary and higher education (G Jones 1994). This pattern, coupled with what Peter Xenos (2004) has identified as a 'youth bulge' in populations throughout Southeast Asia, has vastly increased the numbers of unmarried young people visible on Indonesian high school and college campuses, and in the streets, shops, and theaters. As a result of new educational and employment opportunities, young people today have significantly more opportunities to meet and interact with of the opposite sex on their own without direct adult oversight. It is this situation that has fuelled parental fears and public panics surrounding youth promiscuity.

Education, marriage and the new middle class Although increasing numbers of Indonesian young people are postponing marriage, they have by no means abandoned it. For Indonesians, marriage remains a social and religious imperative. 'The overwhelming majority of young people report they expect to marry, both as a requirement of their faith and as a deeply felt moral obligation to their parents (ba/as blldi; see also Bouhdiba 2004). There is a widespread assumption that those who do not marry are defective or incomplete tidak sCfJlpllrna. Even male homosexuals in Indonesia feel compelled to enter into heterosexual unions (Boellstorf 1999). Similarly, in her study of rural Javanese factory girls, Diana Wolf found increased education, social mobility, and employment opportunities have not diminished young women's intent to marry (Wolf 1990:211). Since the late 1970s, however, some features of marriage have changed among middle-class Muslim Javanese. There has been, for example, a marked shift away from parentally arranged marriages and toward the self-selection of marriage partners. Most young people. today meet their future spouses at school or in school-related activities, or through mutual friends. Parents nonetheless still wield considerable influence over marital arrangements by either bestowing or withholding their approval of a son's or daughter's choice of marital partner (Smith-Hefner 2005).4 In interviews and informal discussions, very few young people report they would marry someone without their

148

Smlth·Hefner

parents' approval and blessing. And because parents typically pay for and host the wedding celebration, they inevitably play a critical role in the planning and organisation of the event. Weddi.ngs remain the ceremonial highpoint of an individual's life and a no less salient marker of middle-class status. With the exception of a handful of ultraconservative Islamist youth, few young people opt to forego the considerable expense and ceremony of the traditional Javanese wedding for something less elaborate (cf. SmithHefner 2005). Even mid-sized weddings in urban Java involve three to four hundred guests; large weddings involve upwards of seven or eight hundred. And yet, although the bride and groom are the central figures in the wedding celebration, the status expressed is that of the parents who sponsor the ceremony. One important aspect of that status is the bride and groom's educational achievement, prominently embossed after their names on the wedding invitations and announced publicly during the akhad nikah ceremony. In a pioneering study two generations ago, Hildred Geertz described the akhad nikah - the specifically Islamic and religiously mandatory part of the Muslim wedding ceremony in Indonesia - as a brief, unelaborated, and more often than not private rite (H Geertz 1961 :65). In the past, the young couple travelled (often separately) to the office of the religious officer (naib) for the akhad nikah. Today in many middle-class weddings it has become part of the public marriage ritual, placed directly before the series of rituals which are part of the traditional Javanese portion of the marriage. The Islamic official (naib) now comes to the bride's house to officiate at the akhad nikah which is often witnessed not only by the representatives of the bride and groom, as was typically the case a generation or two ago, but also by both sets of parents as well as gathered family and friends. Not infrequently, then, the previously inconspicuous Islamic ceremony may involve a hundred people or more. The spectators listen as the naib addresses the young couple. The groom sits by himself, but the bride is flanked by her paternal guardian or wa/i. The official asks first the groom and then the bride's representative to publicly the candidate's name, address, educational level, marital status, and religious affiliation. For middle-class Javanese parents and those with

Reproducing respectability

149

middle-class aspirations, it is crucial that the wedding banns announce to the assembled crowd during the akhad nikah that indeed their son or daughter has obtained 'at least an undergraduate degree' (sarjana nluda).5 Middle-class parents typically their children's education and living expenses for as long as they remain in school. Although some students may have part-time jobs (selling book bags, cosmetics, or articles of clothing on commission), almost none are able to themselves fully. It is, in any case, the generally accepted cultural expectation that college students should dedicate themselves to studying. Even those students who devote themselves full time to their studies typically take five or more years to obtain an undergraduate degree; a significant minority take six or seven years. As paying for a child's education often involves considerable economic sacrifice, parents are understandably anxious to see the fruits of their investment, a diploma. Middle-class Javanese parents view unsupervised interactions with of the opposite sex as detrimental to young people's attainment of these highly valued educational aims. They describe schooling as an activity requiring considerable mental exertion which can easily result in stress, weight loss, and susceptibility to illness if one is not careful. Students, they insist, must maintain their mental and emotional equilibrium. Romance can lead to Iraonla, !yok, and depresi ('trauma', 'shock', and 'depression'), particularly, but not only, in young women. Most critically, romance can lead a young person to abandon his or her educational goals, thereby forfeiting the possibility of a prestigious job in the civil service or the professions and a secure hold on middle-class status. As a newly married couple is under considerable social and familial pressure to quickly produce offspring in order tq prove their maturity and fertility, marriage not infrequently requires that the wife drop out of school to care for a newborn while the husband leaves school to work and his new family.6 Parents make abundantly clear their hope that their sons and daughters will avoid serious relationships with of the opposite sex until after they have finished their education. Many simply refuse to consider their son or daughter marrying before they have completed their studies. 7

150

Smlth·Hefner

Ina, a fourth year student at UGM, is 24 and has had a boyfriend for two years. He is 27 and is anxious to marry, but has agreed to wait until Ina has finished her degree. Ina says that her parents have repeatedly reminded her to be careful to 'guard herself' (1IJe1!Jogo din) and warned her above all not to do 'that one thing.' She says, 'My parents told me that if I get pregnant (before getting married) they would never forgive me. My fiance's parents told him the same thing, they said if we go so far as to do "whatever" IJIOCeJJl-1l10CelJl) then they won't consider us their children anymore. "Please go, leave, you're not our children any more.''' At the very least, students assert, most parents would refuse to continue to their child's education if they became pregnant and married before finishing their studies. The threat of the withdrawal of parental financial and emotional is a serious (though not necessarily sufficient) deterrent to sexual involvement for most young people studying at university. Sex and adolescence Notwithstanding their concerns about dating and their insistence on the importance of premarital chastity, middle-class parents offer little in the way of sexual counsel or information to their children, whether male or female. The discussion of sex within Javanese families "remains charged with anxiety and taboo. When a young woman reaches menarche, there is no ritual ceremony or public or private commentary. Although a small number of women said their mothers had talked with them about menstruation, most of the information they shared had to do with how to use and dispose of sanitary products. Other girls said that when they experienced their first menstrual period, they were too embarrassed to tell their mothers and instead sought out an older sister or favorite aunt to confide in. Those who attended religious schools and lived in Islamic boarding school (pesofltren) dormitories often learned about menstruation from schoolmates and, because dormitory bathrooms are communal, from their own observations. According to the young women I interviewed, few if any of these discussions made clear menstruation's role in reproduction.

Reproducing respectability

151

Indah, a third year student at UGM said, 'My parents just kept telling me I had to be able to IIlefyaga diri (protect myself). They meant in my interactions with guys; you know, no sex.' Her classmate, Dian explained, 'My mom never talked to me or to any of us directly about sex. She would only say, "Don't disappoint me." Like if we were watching a film about a girl who got pregnant out of wedlock, she'd say, "Don't you disappoint me like that.''' Male students report even less parental instruction on sexual matters. Sometime between the ages of 8 and 12, 'when they become embarrassed in front of their lmale] friends,' young boys undergo ritual circumcision (sunatan/ khitan). Circumcision has been presented in the ethnographic literature on Java as a male adolescent rite of age, marking a young man's transition from childhood to adult status. Contemporary Muslim Javanese, however, do not readily identify circumcision as a rite of puberty and play down its social significance. Instead, Muslims stress that circumcision is above all a religious requirement, essential to masculine health and cleanliness. Religious scholars point out that in fact there is no reference to circumcision in the Qur'an, although there is a well-established tradition of male circumcision in Islam as a sU1111ah act; that is, one following the practice of the Prophet and his companions. Many middle-class parents particularly those who identify themselves as of the modernist urban-based Muslim organisation, Muhammadiyah - argue that the operation is just as well done when the child is first born, though my surveys and interviews indicate that very few of the males in my study were actually circumcised as infants. A generation ago, circumcision was often ritually elaborate, commonly involving several days of feasting and entertainment, including shadow puppet theater (wtryanl) and ttryuban public dancing with hired female dancers for hundreds of guests (see Hefner 1987). This was particularly the case among rural Javanese d with Nahatul Ulama, the traditionalist Muslim organization, which has a strong base in the Javanese countryside. As a result of economic pressures, however, and the efforts of Muslim reformers who objected to tf!yuban's overtly sexual overtones, today the ritual tends to be subdued and ritually circumscribed. Middle-class Muslim families,

152

Smith-Hefner

whatever their religious affiliation, today take their sons to a 'circumcision specialist' or bOllg supit for the simple medical procedure, and dispense with all ritual celebration and entertainment. If there is any social elaboration to the event, it involves male family and a few neighbors gathering for Qur'anic readings and prayers. The young man is congratulated and given small gifts of money and the guests are fed a modest meal. S Although both candidates for circumcision and newly circumcised young men are the frequent targets of sexual teasing, circumcision like menarche does not include explicit sexual instruction for young men. Male university students report even more discomfort at the idea of discussing sex with their parents than do young women. Andi's comments reflect common themes, 'When I got older, I was around the house less and less and besides, I would feel awk-ward discussing sex with my parents.' 'In my family', Agus said simply, 'talk about sex is still taboo (lIIasih tabu).' For their part, parents say they believe that young people will 'figure it out on their own' (tahu sendin) and they look to public moral training and religious education to provide the rest. Sex and religious education

Sex education is not part of the official curriculum in Indonesian schools, although young people who follow the exact science (ilflJ1I pastl) track in high school may study animal reproduction in their biology classes. By contrast, Indonesian education has always included an important focus on moral training. Originally, such training took the form of lessons in 'character [development], budi pekerti, which was closely associated with teaching the Javanese language and speech levels and with traditional norms of appropriate social interaction. Beginning in the late 1960s, religious instruction became a required part of the Indonesian public school curriculum and budi pekerti along with instruction in Javanese language has been gradually phased out. Young people who attend secular state or private non-religious schools receive two or three hours of religious education per week beginning in the early grades. (Those who attend religious schools, of course, receive considerably more.) Many middle-class Muslim Javanese parents regard this religious education as 'minimal' and send

Reproducing respectability

153

their children to afternoon religious school (pengqjian) for supplemental religious instruction. Others invite a religious teacher (us/ad) to their home for private lessons for their children several times a week. The trend among middle-class families is to enrol young children in religious pre-schools or Qur'anic schools at as early as age three so as to 'insure they develop a strong moral and religious foundation while they are still young and impressionable.' These schools have become so popular, that in Yogyakarta, they are consistently oversubscribed and many schools resort to choosing new students by lottery. As a result of New Order educational developments and the constant upgrading of teacher training, this required religious instruction in the nation's schools has become increasingly normativised. Islamic education in pre-schools, public schools, and in religious after-schools emphasises the proper performance of religious duties or worship (ibadab). Discussion of sexuality remains largely focused on matters of ritual purity and impurity, particularly with regard to the ritual requirements of fasting, religious study, and the performance of the five daily prayers. This information is introduced relatively early (in mid to late primary school) in abbreviated form and is repeated in increasing detail in later grades. Sometime in the fourth or fifth year of primary school, religious education - while still focused on proper performance of religious duties - takes a more sexually explicit turn. At this time, young people are taught that sexual maturity (aqil baliq) is marked by the presence of wet dreams (n/in/pi basah) in boys and menstruation (haid) in girls. When these events take place, and as a youth develops the other characteristics of physiological puberty, he or she is considered mature enough to be individually responsible for carrying out the required five daily prayers, attending daily religious study classes, and keeping the fast during Ramadan. A young boy, or even a girl, who does not do so may be physically punished consistent with the injunctions of jiqh (religious jurisprudence). Girls are likewise taught that at menarche or shortly thereafter they should take up the veil and otherwise dress modestly so as not to attract the gaze of male strangers. They are repeatedly reminded that it is a woman's responsibility (kewqjiban) to cover herself in order to avoid ji/nah

154

Smith-Hefner

(slander, calumny or false accusation) and so as to discourage men from sinning (cf. Smith-Hefner forthcoming, 2007). However reluctant middle-class parents may be to discuss sexual matters, religion teachers are keenly aware that it is imperative adolescent youth have a basic understanding of sexual impurity and the processes of ritual cleansing. Without such knowledge, a youth cannot fulfill his or her ritual obligations. In Islam, fulfillment of these ritual obligations is one of the most important standards by which individuals are evaluated on Judgment Day. Prayers which do not follow religious requirements and are not preceded by the required ablutions, for example, are carried out in a state of impurity and 'do not count.' Young boys are taught that they must take a thorough ritual bath (fllandi besar) before their daily prayers if they have previously experienced a nocturnal emission (wet dream). In their religious training they learn that wet dreams are equated with actual sexual intercourse, and, as such, they require that one engage in ritual ablutions before fulfilling one's devotional obligations. The focus on wet dreams rather than circumcision as the defining indicator of male adolescence (aqi/ ba/iq) expresses a more textual understanding of Muslim masculine maturity. This more religiously normative view of maturation is an index of the general shift away from public celebration of life stages to a focus on personal responsibility and individual devotion. The Islamic regulations pertaining to menstruating women are more complex than those relating to male sexual emissions. In religion classes girls learn that within Islam, menstruation is viewed as polluting (najis) and menstruating women are considered unclean. A menstruating woman may not perform daily prayers (shah!) or fast. She may not touch or read from the Qur'an or enter the mosque due to her unclean state. And, she may not have sexual relations with her husband. The restrictions related to menstruation require that the girl learn to distinguish what 'counts' as menstrual flow and what 'counts' as illness. How many days is a cycle? When does it officially begin and when does it definitively end? In secular schools, male and female students mayor may not be separated for some of this instruction.· Not only women, but men must also be familiar with these regulations in order to fulfill

Reproducing respectability

155

their role as the (future) religious heads of their families, so that they can lead family worship, and know when sexual relations with their wives are allowed and when they are prohibited. It is telling, however, that the details of the religious instruction concerning menstruation (or wet dreams for that matter) almost never extend to a comprehensive discussion of its role in sexual reproduction. Several young female students from rural backgrounds laughed while recounting that, even though they had memorised all of the religious requirements related to haid, they were nonetheless shocked at their first menstruation and didn't immediately recognize what was happening. They had made no connection between their religious instruction and the actual physical experience of bleeding. They also laughed about their misapprehensions concerning male wet dreams. 'Wet dreams? What was that? We heard about that from the time we were young, but it didn't concern us and we didn't really pay any attention.' Both male and female university students reported they were taught that sex during a woman's menstrual cycle could produce a child with birth defects because of the 'unclean' nature of menstrual blood. A common remark was, 'During menstruation there is the possibility of sexual diseases. The egg and sperm cannot form, so if a child results, it could be deformed or maybe cross-eyed. The Qur'an says "quI hU1J!a aza"; that is, because it's dirty, there are lots of bacteria.' Many students - male and female - argued that sexual relations during menstruation can result in endometriosis and ultimately infertility because the 'dirty blood' is pushed back up into the uterus and 'gets stuck.' Other sexual understandings reveal an equally uneven knowledge of the details of sexual reproduction. Values and virginity

In religion classes, whether in school or outside of school, young people are taught categorically that sex outside of marriage is not allowed within Islam. It is 'fornication or adultery' (zina), and is a 'grave sin' (dosa besary. A group of young male students who had attended a pesan/rm school said they were taught that 'if one engages in premarital sex even one time, they will suffer in hell for forty years.' Sexual

156

Smlth·Hefner

promiscuity is compared to the debased and primitive behavior of animals which are distinguished from humans by the loathsome fact that they have no shame or inhibitions. Zina can result in children of uncertain parentage and therefore raises the possibility of incest. If a young woman becomes pregnant out of wedlock, it is a source of deep shame (aib) for her family. Islamic law requires that the biological father of an illegitimate child acknowledge his offspring and that the father and mother marry. To a remarkable degree, my discussions with university students concerning sex and marriage reflected these normative Muslim understandings of sexuality. In fact answers to my questions in many cases appeared to be taken directly from a religion textbook. Javanese students widely report that they consider sexual purity (virginity) before marriage a central tenet of their faith. Many referred to it as 'my most basic principle.' Others cited their Asian or Indonesian 'values' as keeping them from engaging in immoral behavior. Virtually all of the women students I spoke to said they fully expected to remain virgins up until the time they marry. Male students were somewhat more flexible about female virginity and the idea of marrying a non-virgin. Some said they were willing, for example, to marry a widow or divorcee. A few said they would forgive the woman (for having had pre-marital sex) if she had been raped or was drunk, drugged and unconscious - so long if she was repentant and promised never to do it again. A majority, however, viewed an unmarried woman's loss of virginity as a 'fatal mistake' leesalahan fatal which could never be corrected. What is significant, however, is that the great majority of the male students I surveyed also said they fully intend to remain sexually inexperienced before marriage. In response to the question, 'Do you intend to be a virgin yourself when you marry?' the overwhelming majority of male students answered 'yes.' Their reasons were very similar to those given by young women - that sex outside of marriage is a 'grave sin' (dosa besa" and is forbidden (diharamkan) in Islam. Other common responses included: 'Of course I expect to be a virgin. Sex is one's honour (leehormatan) which must be protected and handed over complete to one's wife' and, 'Yes, I expect to be a virgin; I think all guys

Reproducing respectability

157

feel that way. It is a responsibility no matter how difficult' and, 'Sex outside of marriage is a sin that destroys one morally. My ultimate goal is to remain "pure" (SUet) in the eyes of God.' Female students were equally adamant that they wanted to marry a man who had not had sexual relations. A few said defiantly, 'If I have to remain pure, then he does too,' but most women cited religious reasons. 'Of course I want a man who is "pure" (suet). That means he is a good person according to Islam.' 'The requirements of Islam which I have studied since childhood, teach us that sex must be confined to the legal state of marriage.' 'In Islam, sex outside of marriage is "adultery" (zina) and a "grave sin" (dosa besar).' An idealised sexual morality

Among Muslim Javanese university students then, sex before marriage is widely considered, at least in the ideal, morally unacceptable and sinful (zil1a) and both men and women are expected to remain sexually pure prior to marriage. This would seem to signal a shift from an earlier era, when Javanese attitudes towards sex were less normatively Islamic and rather more pragmatic and the answer to the possibility of premarital promiscuity was simply early marriage. Hildred Geertz writes about small town Java in the 1950s that 'There seems to be a general feeling that if a girl is left unmarried very long, she will yield to natural impulses and as a result become pregnant ... that sex cannot be inhibited if external constraints are removed' (H Geertz 1961:119). Therefore, young girls were often married off not long after their first menstruation. At that time, Geertz writes, pregnancy out of wedlock was 'not considered so much immoral as awkward,' because the father might have to pay the groom to marry the girl. As a result, many young girls were already married and had their first child by the age of 15. Geertz's , however, does not consider (urban) prfyqyi girls who experienced considerably more restrictions on their social interactions beginning with puberty. Prfyqyi were of the traditional Javanese aristocracy and court elite. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the category was extended to include, not just aristocrats, but all Javanese employed in state istration (pegawai l1egen). During colonial times, prfyqyi girls were typically

158

Smith·Hefner

provided with only limited education. When they reached puberty they were confined to the home and their social interactions closely monitored in order to secure their reputations. Priycryi women often married at a young age to a partner chosen by their parents (Brenner 1998; Gouda 1995; Hull 1996; Koentjaraningrat 1985). Until relatively recently, prrycryi-inflected gender ideals remained a model of gender propriety for many middle-class Javanese (DjadadiningratNieuwenhuis 1992; Suryakusuma 1996). Boys across social categories, however, were allowed much more freedom and adolescence was for them a period of prolonged irresponsibility (H. Geertz 1960; Jay 1969; Koentjaraningrat 1985). AmongJavanese, there is a long-recognised cultural association of men with freedom of movement, summed up in the aphorism 'a man has a long stride' (Iaki-Iaki langkah'!)a pa'!Jan.!Q, meaning both that men travel far from home and that they can take care of themselves. By the time a young man married - often in his twenties or later - it was expected that he had some sexual experience, not infrequently from visiting prostitutes (H. Geertz 1961;Jay 1969). Unmarried women by contrast, at least in the ideal, did not venture far from home - and certainly not alone. A proper young woman was demure, modest, and above all restrained. This gender dichotomy which emphasised women's ive, domestic role and men's active public role was amplified by the decidedly patriarchal rhetoric and policies of the New Order state. Government programs and policies identified women as subordinate to men, representing them as first and foremost helpmates to their husbands and producers and educators of the next generation of dutiful citizens (Niehof 2003; Robinson 2000). Despite its clear patriarchal bias, however, the government nonetheless made new educational and economic opportunities available to women as well as men and urged women's participation in national development. Today, both young men and women may travel and live away from home in order to continue their schooling or find employment. While normative expectations are today much greater that young people will control themselves and remain chaste during this extended period of pre-marital singlehood, the possibilities of meeting and interacting

Reproducing respectab/l/ty

159

with of the opposite sex without direct parental oversight have increased considerably for women as well as men. Religious education in general schools (sekolah IImlll1l) , afternoon schools (pet/gajial1), and boarding schools (pesalltrm) has insured that university students have absorbed the normative ideal, 'an idealised morality'. Normative ideals do not, however, necessarily translate automatically or consistently into actual practice. Certainly, in the radical environments of cities like Yogyakarta, there are many new and exciting opportunities for social and sexual experimentation and not all young people are able to resist. No more Virgins? In early August of 2002 the Institute for the Study of Love and Humanity, a private research group based in Yogyakarta, released a sensational report of research suggesting that free sex had become the norm among Yoygakarta's university students (Straits Times 7 Aug. 2002). The director of the study, lip Wijayanto, was, at the time, a 23 year old student in civil engineering at the Universitas Islam Indonesia (UII) and the Institute's executive director. A self-proclaimed sexologist as well as a Muslim preacher or da'i, Wijayanto also offered sex therapy out of his home. Wijayanto claimed that according to his survey of female college students living in rented rooms or boarding houses in Yogyakarta, over 97 per cent were no longer virgins. Of the 1,660 young women interviewed, the study reported, only 46 said they had never had sexual intercourse; only three said they had never engaged in any form of sexual activity. Wijayanto attributed the problem to a permissive social atmosphere and weak . He is quoted in the Straits Times as saying the results of his study constituted 'shock therapy' for the public (Straits Times 7 Aug. 2002; see also, RadarJog/a 4 Aug. 2002). Parents should wake up, he warned, to the reality of their children's widespread sexual involvements. Wijayanto's research created an immediate uproar, not only in Yogyakarta but across Indonesia. Feminist groups criticised the study for focusing on women's virginity and ignoring the sexual behavior of men. of the academic and research community challenged Wijayanto's survey methods and statistical measurements. Even the

160

Smith-Hefner

Sultan's wife, GKR Hemas, issued a public denunciation of the study saying that it gave Yogyakarta's women a bad name and could possibly result in parents deciding against sending their daughters to 11 Aug. 2002). Yogyakarta's schools and universities (Kedau/atan Unreported in newspaper s, Wijayanto had deliberately excluded from his study women who identified themselves as practising Muslims as well as those who were in any way involved with Muslim student organisations; he also excluded female students who lived at home with their parents (and presumably were under closer adult supervision). Even more egregious, he used his former patients - recovered 'sex addicts' he describes as 'hypersexed' - as research assistants and gave them specific instructions to find female interviewees who were distressed over their sexual involvements (Wijayanto 2002; personal interviews, 2002, 2003). In other words, Wijayanto essentially limited his interviews to those women who were, on the basis of their selection, sexually experienced. Wijayanto's results contrast with the findings of a more scientific and much less widely publicised survey of youth sexual values and behavior conducted by Iwu Dwisetyani Utomo only five years earlier (Utomo 2002). Utomo surveyed 518 high school and university students in Jakarta in 1994-5. Of her respondents, 82 per cent were Muslim; 17 per cent were Christian; and the remainder was either Hindu or Buddhist. Utomo's study found a significant difference in the sexual attitudes and behaviors of those who identified themselves as Muslims and those who did not. Among non-Muslim respondents, for example, 10 per cent agreed that premarital sexual intercourse is acceptable while dating (pacaran) and fully 25 per cent agreed with sexual intercourse during engagement (tunangan). Among Muslim young people, however, only 4.5 per cent stated that intercourse is acceptable while dating and only 6.4 per cent stated it is acceptable during engagement (Utomo 2002:216). In dramatic contrast with Wijayanto's claims, overall, only 7 per cent of Utomo's respondents reported having engaged in pre-maritalintercourse. Among Muslim respondents, the figure was even lower. Just 3 per cent of Muslim respondents reported having had premarital sex, with males more likely to have had intercourse than females (Utomo 2002: 213). Dtomo's

Reproducing respectability

161

figures correspond closely with findings from my own surveys and interviews with Muslim Javanese university students in Yogyakarta. Public moral panics like the one engendered by Wijayanto's sensationalist research on virginity, emphasize the tension between religious ideals and modern opportunities for freer social interaction between the sexes by focusing particular attention on the purported immoral behaviors of young women. Certainly women disproportionately bear the burden of upholding middle-class moral propriety. Public scandals involving co-ed prostitute rings, call girls in Muslim veils, and high-priced high school virgins, have all focused on women's purported sexual licentiousness. My own research on middleclass Muslim youth suggests, however, that while new social and educational opportunities have more dramatically impacted the situation of young women, it may in fact be that young men are the ones who most forcefully experience the tension between categorical and idealised sexual ideals and masculine gender expectations. Whereas, in the ideal, sexual purity for both sexes is emphasised, in practice, male sexuality and sexual prowess remain powerfully latent concerns. Sex and the city In religious , college students insist, in order to be a good husband, a young man needs to know something about sex, not only so that he can fulfill his religious role within the family, but also for the important purpose of procreation. Men are expected to lead or guide (fJlenJbi"'bi1JgJ their wives, including in sexual matters. While stating quite strongly that they wanted to marry a man who had never had sexual relations, female students in my surveys and interviews nonetheless made it abundantly clear that they wanted a man who 'knows what he is doing;' as several female students put it, 'I want someone who has never had physical relations with a woman but who is knowledgeable about sex.' Both the Qur'an and the hadith reinforce the popular view of men as the more knowledgeable, active and aggressive partner with regard to sex. Whereas sex outside of marriage is prohib1ted (haranJ), sex within the confines of marriage is a religious duty (Bouhdiba 2004).

162

Smlth-Hefner

Nowadays, this religious message is increasingly overlaid with a romantic one. Whereas the wedding night at the time of Geertz' writing was not at all a focus of attention or tremendous expectation (in fact, consummation not infrequently did not occur for a variety of reasons including the immaturity of the bride or her refusal to cooperate), today it's not uncommon for young people (male and female) to report that they expect their wedding night to be 'the most beautiful and romantic night of their lives.' Teen novels and popular women's magazines feature stories and articles that reinforce a vision of romance as involving an experienced, knowledgeable male and a simple, naive, and inexperienced (polos) woman. (In these stories the male protagonist is not infrequently a grieving, young, handsome widower or even an already married man - who is so good-looking and clearly experienced that the young woman is willing to become his second wife.) Here is where the trepidation arises for young men. 9 Religious education is inadequate to answer questions of sexual technique and actual physical interaction. Most young men turn to other sources for this kind of information. In urban environments like that of Yogyakarta, they don't have to look far. Casual observation of any of Yogyakarta's many book stores reveals groups of young men milling around the 'health' sections paging through medical texts, sexual advice books (konsultasi seks dan cinta), and Muslim guides to sex and marriage. lO lour Enchanting lWedding Night: Sex Education for Adults (Nugroho 2000), Coitus: Variations, Positions and Etiquette (Hasan & Asrori 1998), and Preparingfor a Happy and Harmonious Marriage (Alkaf 1996) are typical of these guides. Written from a male perspective, they instruct men in such things as foreplay and identifying their wife's erogenous zones, offering tips on techniques and sexual positions. The more explicitly religious texts cite ages from the Qur'an and hadith (in Arabic and translation) for illustration and . Most of the material, however, even that which looks on the surface to be non-religious, has a moral bottom line; sex before marriage is a sin and the information in the book is for those who are married or preparing to marry. Even more liberal authors typically draw the line at such things as oral sex, sodomy, or sex with animals as not sanctioned within Islam. What is most striking

Reproducing respectability

163

about these guides is that men are consistently depicted as the initiators and performers - while women are ive recipients of their husband's desires. )'our El1challtil1g U7eddillg Night: Sex Educatiol1 for Adults (Nugroho 2000), is a flimsy photocopied publication illustrated with photographs of blurry but alluring, scantily clad Western women, among them Princess Stephanie of Monaco, Lady Di, and Cindy Crawford. The author warns the reader, who is clearly assumed to be male, that he should not be lured into having sex before marriage with a prostitute, believing that this is the only way he will be able to learn about sex and satisfy his wife on their wedding night (instead he should read the book!).!' The book is divided into three sections: Approaching Sex the First Night; Elements of Sex the First Night; and Maintaining the Mood on Subsequent Nights. In a chapter entitled 'If Arjuna Fails, Don't Lose Heart' (under the section Elements of Sex the First Night) the author writes, 'The one who is most burdened on the wedding night is the male, because the male considers sex as an expression of his masculinity. This is the reason why, if things don't go right on the wedding night, it can burden his psyche.' The author reassures the reader that 'sex on the first night may not be maximal', but that 'this is understandable and one shouldn't feel bad about it.' Furthermore, it should not be taken as a sign of impotence (Nugroho 2000:57). It is common knowledge that young men not only consult books for sexual information, but also rent X-rated videos (BF or Blue Films) which are today easily available at corner kiosks or wanmg. Viewing is typically done with groups of male friends and accompanied by considerable sniggering and teasing. Co-eds frequently described men's fascination with porn videos as men's 'daily meal', explaining that while women might be curious about such things, most were too embarrassed to rent a film themselves and wouldn't dare to watch with a group of men for fear of being teased mercilessly or labelled the wrong sort of girl. Male students explained that it was best that- women didn't watch these films anyway, because they might be traumatised and possibly even be completely turned off to sex. Nowadays, pornography is also widely and easily available on the

164

Smith-Hefner

internet and even high school teachers complain that their male students often skip classes in order to cruise the erotic websites at email cafes. Perhaps the most common source of sexual information for young men, however, are the instructive stories of male friends or aC'luaintances who were tempted by the 'dark side', sometimes referred to as dllgem or dlln;o gemerlop, literally, 'the glittery life'. DIIgem is the life of nightclubs and discothe'lues and of dancing and drinking - and sex. Many male college students claimed that they were not daring enough (tidak berol1l) to go to discos or bars (and didn't have proper clothes or enough money) but virtually everyone could point to a male friend who had some sexual experience and was happy to share it. Abbas is a case in point. Abbas, a fourth year student at the VIN, was drawn to Yogyakarta's night scene. He described how he was invited to a group of young men and women who liked to frequent night clubs and discothe'lues. He got to know the group pretty well and they felt comfortable confiding in him. He discovered that they were very casual about sex and that various of the group had been intimate. One time after an evening on the town, he recounted, the whole group spent the night together. The women had the men take their clothes off so that they could measure the men's penises; then the women took off their blouses and the men measured the women's breasts. Abbas decided it was too much for him. His moral conscious bothered him, he said, and he kept thinking about the teachings of a Muslim scholar (!l:Yal) from his religious school. Besides, he didn't have the money to keep up with their party life style. He decided to stop seeing them. Abbas's story reflects the general consensus among Muslim Javanese college students that sexual experimentation is associated with wealthy individuals who did not have a good family life and moral upbringing. The stereotype is that sexually 'looser' women and men attend expensive private schools and that many of these wealthier individuals come from families that didn't give them sufficient love and attention while they were growing up. I was fre'luently told that these young people are the products of 'broken homes' (due to divorce or separation) or of families in which the parents were too busy with their

Reproducing respectability

165

professional careers or consumer lifestyles to spend time with their children. Not surprisingly, there is also an assumption that these young people had insufficient religious training. As further evidence for these generalisations, students point to the recurrent stories in newspaper and magazine articles of Indonesian media stars who describe their broken home life and lack of religious education, their flirtation with sex and drugs, and their eventual turn to a life of Islamic piety. A Muslim sexuality? Stories like that of Abbas as well as my surveys and interviews with other college students indicate a significant attitudinal shift among middle-class Javanese youth away from less-doctrinally informed Javanese' mores and toward a more normative, text-based Muslim sexuality that emphasizes, among other things, sexual purity for both males and females prior to marriage. This shift from informal religious culture toward what Dale Eickelman and James Piscatori (1996) have called an 'objectified' normativity has been facilitated by the expansion of literacy, the media, and, most importantly, public education. As larger numbers of young people, particularly young women, have moved into the public sphere, this normativised sexual discourse has become a major focus of attention in religious classes, Muslim student organizations, study groups, and a new Muslim literature. What is more, for middle-class youth or those struggling to attain middle-class status, the image of public piety and sexual restraint has become an important symbol of status distinction and middle-class propriety. By contrast, sexual promiscuity, lifestyle experimentation, and hedonism are associated by these same young people with the wealthy elite who lack moral training and a ive family life and have succumb to the enticements of western models and consumer culture. In this sense, Islamic normativity is for many Muslim Javanese students part of a wider project of personal development aimed at upward mobility and social advancement. The new Muslim morality sets students apart from a lifestyle of indulgence and promiscuity which would threaten their dreams for self-actualisation while at the same time it helps to distinguish them from the rural or kampungan backgrounds from which many have only just emerged (C Jones 2003).

166

Smith-Hefner

The impact of this idealised Muslim morality on actual sexual behavior is, of course, more varied. While religious texts may lead young people to endorse shared normative ideals, evidence from social life underscores the fact that there is no insurance that ideals will automatically translate into practice, particularly within the context of modern day, urban possibilities. In the context of a rapidly changing urban environment like Yogyakarta, young people struggle to balance the greater opportunities for gender and sexual freedoms with more normative models of sexual relations. The tension is nowhere more forcefully felt than in the domain of sexual performance. Here we find the culture of male sexual prowess and male virility still remains very strong. This masculine ideal, which was amplified by New Order policy and rhetoric, resonates with images of Islamic masculinity found in religious texts and manuals - even those that emphasise male chastity before marriage and fidelity within marriage. Yes, the normative message relates, one must defer sexuality until marriage. At the same time, however, religious teachings and popular culture insist that men be the guides and teachers of their wives and that they be capable of at least adequate performance on their wedding night. Along with the greater emphasis on normative circumscription, then has come a greater emphasis on male prerogative and a reassertion of men as sexually active and women as ive. If, as Abu-Lughod has argued, 'Islam figures not so much as a blueprint for sexuality, as a weapon in changing relations of power' (Abu-Lughod 1997:168), then the newly normativised ideals in Muslim Java would seem to reinforce men's power and control over women. In particular, the increased emphasis on men's virginity bifore marriage has gone hand in hand with renewed calls for polygyny as a solution to men's unfulfilled sexual needs within marriage and as the antidote for prostitution and adultery - a development that has understandably alarmed many Indonesia women's activist groups (Brenner 2005).12 At the same time, however, the newly normativised sexual ideals also make some concessions to 'modern' sensibilities. In particular, the new norms emphasise the importance of men attending to their wives' sexual satisfaction. They also give greater emphasis than before to romance and the development of a personal, meaningful, and

Reproduclng respectability

167

'harmonious' marital relationship. In other words, while identified at least in part as a conscious rejection of the globalised, 'Western' sexuality AIrman forecasts, we nonetheless find that this newly normativised Muslim sexuality bears the distinctive imprint of modern, individualised desires.

Nal1ry } Smith-Hefl1er is all Associate Pro/essor ill the Department 0/ Alltbropology at Bostol1 Uniz'ersity ill Bostol1, Massachusetts USA. Her elllail address is [email protected]

Notes 1. My focus in this article is on heterosexuality; for an insightful discussion of the impact of globalisation and the Islamic resurgence on gay sexuality and identity, see Boellstroff 2005. 2. My findings are based on participant observation; 200 open-ended interviews, each of which was tape-recorded and transcribed; informal interviews with teachers, religious scholars, social scientists, political activists, journalists, and parents; and a survey of 200 additional students istered with the assistance of a small team male and female university students. Research was funded by a Fulbright-Hays Faculty Research Grant and a Spencer Foundation Small Grant; write-up was generously ed by the National Endowment for the Humanities. 3. Married couples who enrolled in the family planning program received free contraceptive services. While condoms were available for sale at pharmacies and in small shops and kiosks, other forms of birth control reguired a prescription. Indonesian doctors regularly refused to provide contraceptives to unmarried women. 4. See Parker 2001 for a similar pattern among Balinese. 5. A widespread joke among the young women I interviewed took the following form: 'My dad says I don't have to marry someone with a sarjoflo (an undergraduate diploma). A master's degree will do!'

168

Smlth-Hefner

6. Since the fall of the Suharto government, contraceptives are reportedly more easily obtainable. College students, however, report that the use of contraceptives is still not widespread among young couples. Aside. from 'embarrassment' (malll), students say this is due to the common belief that the use of contraceptives, even condoms, can negatively affect a woman's fertility by 'drying out the uterus.' Perhaps even more critically, the use of contraceptives places the relationship in the category of 'illicit sex' as opposed to a serious relationship expected to lead to marriage (parker 2001). 7. C£ Mohammad Fauzil Adhim (2002) Pemikaball Dini ([he Beauty of Early Marriage). Adhim underscores how widespread this pattern is while arguing against it. Adhim's book urges parents to allow their children to marry before they graduate, continuing to them if necessary, in order to avoid the possibilities of adultery (zilla) and out of wedlock pregnancies. 8. James Peacock, writing in the mid 1970s, identifies an apparent trend among Muhammadiyah modernists to circumcise their sons at earlier ages so as to insure their early inclusion in the Muslim (male) religious community. He speculates that the trend towards earlier circumcision would likely continue, but I found no evidence that this is the case (peacock 1978:100). 9. Masculinist sexual tensions are further exacerbated by a sub-current of panIslamic belief that depicts women as both more ionate and sexually insatiable (Brenner 1995; Peletz 1995). 10. The practice is so widespread, that bookstores have responded by sealing the most popular texts in plastic so that young people must purchase them in order to read them. 11. Actually the message is somewhat more complicated; men are reminded that they are experienced by nature because the important sign of sexual maturity in men is the wet dream and wet dreams are typically accompanied by a dream of sexual intercourse; therefore, all men have some experience of sexual intercourse and so visiting a prostitute is not necessary. The author continues, 'In order to learn more about various sexual positions and methods, however, this book is all you need ... Buy it and take it home with you.' (Nugroho 2000:15) 12. See Aj-Jahraniy (1996) PolYgamy from Variolls Perspectil1es, and Puspo Wardoyo (n.d.) Secrets to Successjili Po!ygan!) in Islam: Tbe Experience 0/ PlIspOS and His FOllr W'iveJ, which includes a phone number for free advice on polygyny on the back cover.

Reproducing respectability

169

References Abu-Lughod, Lila 1997, 'Is there a Muslim sexuality? Changing constructions of sexuality in Egyptian Bedouin weddings', in Brettell, CB & Sargent, CF (eds), Gender in Cross-Cultural Perspective, 2nd edition, Pearson Prentice Hall, Upper Saddle River, New Jersey, pp. 167-76. Adhim, Mohammad Fauzil 2002, Indahnya Pernikahan Dini (The Beauty of Early Marriage), Gema Insani Press, Jakarta. Aj-Jahrani, Dr Musfir 1996, Poligami dan Berbagai Persepsi (Various Perceptions of Polygamy), Gema Isani Press, Jakarta. Alkaf, Idrus H 1996, Persiapan Perkawinan yang Harmonis dan Bahagia (preparing for a Happy and Harmonious Marriage), Gunung Mas, Pekalongan. Altman, Dennis 2001, Global Sex, University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Boellstorf, Tom 1999, 'The perfect path: gay men, marriage, Indonesia', Gcry and Lesbian QuarterlY, 5(4), pp. 475-510. - - 2005, 'Between religion and desire: being Muslim and gay in Indonesia', Amencan Anthropologist, 107(4), pp. 575-85. Bouhdiba, Abdelwahab 2004, Sexuality in Islam, Saqi, London. Brenner, Suzanne A 1995, 'Why women rule the roost: rethinking Javanese ideologies of gender and self-control', in Ong, Aihwa & Peletz, MG (eds) , Bewitching Women, Pious Men: Gender and Botfy Politics in Southeast Asia, University of California Press, Berkeley, pp. 19-50. - - 1998. The Domestication of Desire: Women, Wealth, and Modernity in Java, Princeton University Press, Princeton. - - 2005. 'Islam and gender politics in late New Order Indonesia', in Wilford AC & George, KM (eds), Spinted Politics: Religion and Public Life in Contemporary Southeast Asia, Cornell University, Southeast Asia Program Publications, Ithaca NY, pp. 93-118. Djajadiningrat-Nieuwenhuis, Madelon 1992, 'Ibuism and priyayization: path to power?', in Locher-Scholten, E & Niehof, A (eds), Indonesian Women in Focus, KITLV Press, Leiden, pp. 43-51. Eickelman, Dale F & Piscatori, James 1996, Muslim Politics, Princeton University Press, Princeton.

170

Smith-Hefner

Geertz, Clifford 1960, The Religion of Java, The Free Press, New York. Geertz, Hildred 1961, The Javanese Famib': A Stuefy of Kinship and Socialization, Waveland Press, Prospect Heights, IL. Gouda, Francis 1995, Dutch Culture Overseas: Colonial Practice in the Netherlands Indies, 1900-1942, Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam. Hasan, M Syamsi & Asrori, A Ma'ruf 1998, Jimak: Variasi, Posisi dan Etika'!Ya (Coitus: Variations, Positions and Etiquette), Al-Miftah, Surabaya. Hefner, Robert W 1987, 'The politics of popular art: Tayuban dance and culture change in East Java', Indonesia 43, pp. 75-94. - - 1990, Political Economy of Mountain Java, University of California Press, Berkeley. - - 1997, 'Print Islam: mass media and ideological rivalries among Indonesian Muslims', Indonesia 64, pp. 77-103. - - 2000, Civil Islam: Muslims and Democratization in Indonesia, Princeton University Press, Princeton. Hull, Valerie L 1996 (1982), 'Women in Java's rural middle class: progress or regress?', in Van Esterik, P (ed.), Women of Southeast Asia, Northern Illinois University Press, Dekalb, IL, pp. 78-95. Jay, Robert R 1969, Javanese Villagers: Social Relations in Rural Mocfjokuto, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Johnson, Karin, Gaylord, Wendy & Chamberland, Gerald 1993, Indonesia: A Stuefy of the Educational System of the Republic of Indonesia, World Education Series Publication, USAID, Washington, DC. Jones, Carla 2003, 'Dress for sukses: fashioning femininity and nationality in urban Indonesia.' in Niesson, S, Leshkowich, AM & Jones, C (eds) , Re-orienting Fashion: The Globalization of Asian Dress, Berg Publishers, Washington, DC, pp. 185-213. Jones, Gavin W 1994, Marriage and Divorce in Islamic South-East Asia, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Kedaulatan 11 Aug. 2002, Soal penelitian virginitas mahasiswi. GKR Hemas: 'Saya tak percaya' (The issue of female students' virginity. Queen Hemas: 'I don't believe it'). Koentjaraningrat 1985, Javanese Clllture, Oxford University Press, Oxford.

Reproducing respectability

171

Kraince, Richard G 2003, The Role of Islamic Student Activists in Divergent Movements for Reform During Indonesia's Transition from Authoritarian Rule, 1998-2001, Doctoral dissertation, Ohio University, Athens. Madrid, Robin 1999, 'Islamic students in the Indonesian student movement, 1998-1999: forces for moderation', Bulletin of Concemed Asian Scbolars 31 (3), pp. 17-32. Neihof, Anke 2003, 'Women and the social context of fertility under the New Order.' in Neihof & Lubis 2003, pp. 163-83. Neihof A & Lubis, F (eds), 2003, Two is Enougb: FamilY Planning in Indonesia Under tbe NeJll Order 1968-1998, KITLV Press, Leiden. Nugroho, Adi 2000 (1997), Pesona Malam Pengantin: Pet1didikan Sex Kubsus untuk Del/lasa (Your Enchanting Wedding Night: Sex Education for Adults), Maju Jaya, Demak. Parker, Lynette 2001, 'Fecundity and the fertility decline in Bali', in Jolly, M & Ram, K (eds), Borders of Being: Citizmsbipl Fertilityl and Se:\;ualiljl in Asia and tbe Pacific, University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, pp. 178-202. Peacock, James L 1978, Muslim Puritans: Reformist Prychology in Soutbeast Asian IslallJ, University of California Press, Berkeley. Peletz, Michael G 1995, 'Neither reasonable nor responsible: contrasting representations of masculinity in a Malay society', in Ong, Aihwa & Peletz, MG (eds), Bewitching WOlllenl Pious Men: Gender and Bo4J Politics in SoutheastAsia, University of California Press, Berkeley, pp. 76-123. Radar Jogja, 4 Aug. 2002, lip Wijayanto, Direktur LSC & K: 'Silakan bikin penelitian tandingan' (lip Wijayanto, Director of the Institute for the Study of Love and Humanity: 'Go ahead (please), conduct comparative research'). Republik Indonesia 1996, ProJil Kedudukan dan Peranan Wanita Indonesia Tahun1995 (prome of the Position and Role of Indonesian Women in 1995), Kantor Mentri Negara Urusan Peranan Wanita/Biro Pusat Statistik, Jakarta. Robinson, Kathryn 2000, 'Indonesian women: from Orde Baru to Reformasi', in Edwards, L & Roces, M (eds), If/olllen in Asia: Tradition, Modemi!J and Globalisatioll, University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, pp. 139-69.

172

Smlth·Hefner

Robinson, Kathryn & Utomo, lwu Dwisetyani 2003, 'Introduction' to issue on Youth, Sexuality and Personal Life in Indonesia, ReI1ie71} of Indonesian and Malaysian /If/airs 37(1), pp. 5-16. Smith-Hefner, Nancy J 2005, 'The New Muslim Romance: Changing Patterns of Courtship and Marriage among Educated Javanese Youth', joumal if Southeast Asian Studies 36(3), pp. 441-59. - - forthcoming (2007), 1avanese women· and the veil in postSoeharto Indonesia', journal if Asian Studies. Straits Times, 7 Aug. 2002, Free sex the norm among Yogyakarta's varsity students. Suryakusuma, Julia I 1996, 'The state and sexuality in New Order Indonesia', in Sears, LJ (cd.), FantasiZing the Feminine in Indonesia, Duke University Press, Durham, pp. 92-119. Utomo, lwu Dwisetyani 2002, 'Sexual values and early experiences among young people in Jakarta', in Manderson, L & Liamputtong, Pranee (eds), Coming if Age in South and Southeast Asia: Youth, Courtship and Sexualiry, Curzon Press, Richmond, UK, pp. 207-27. Wardoyo, Puspo, n.d., ](jat Sukses Poligami Islami: Pmgalaman Puspo dan Empat Istritrya (Secrets to Successful Polygamy in Islam: The Experience of Puspo Wardoyo and His Four Wives), private publication, Yogyakarta. Wijayanto, lip 2002, Keperawanan (Virginitas) Sebagai Parameter Kontrol Agama dan Sosial di Ma!yaraka! Mahasisl1Jajogjakarta (Female Virginity as a Parameter of Social and Religious Control among Jogjakarta's Students), LSC&K, Yogyakarta. Wolf, Diane Lauren 1990, Fadory Daughters: Gender, Household Dynamics, and Rural Industrialization in jalla, University of California Press, Berkeley. Xenos, Peter 2004, 'The social demography of urban youth in Southeast Asia', paper for a entitled Youth and Sexuality in Southeast Asia, Association for Asian Studies Annual Meeting, San Diego.