Anthropology Details 2o2t6h

Anthropology

Contents 1

2

Main article

1

1.1

Anthropology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1

1.1.1

Origin and development of the term . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1

1.1.2

Fields . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

3

1.1.3

Key topics by field: sociocultural . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

4

1.1.4

Key topics by field: archaeological and biological . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

8

1.1.5

Organizations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

9

1.1.6

Controversial ethical stances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

10

1.1.7

Post–World War II developments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

11

1.1.8

See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

12

1.1.9

Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

12

1.1.10 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

12

1.1.11 Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

15

1.1.12 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

16

ing articles

17

2.1

History of anthropology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

17

2.1.1

Etymology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

17

2.1.2

The science of history . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

17

2.1.3

Proto-anthropology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

18

2.1.4

The Enlightenment roots of the discipline . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

20

2.1.5

Overview of the modern discipline . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

20

2.1.6

National Anthropological Traditions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

21

2.1.7

20th-Century Developments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

27

2.1.8

See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

27

2.1.9

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

27

2.1.10 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

28

2.1.11 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

29

Archaeology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

29

2.2.1

History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

30

2.2.2

Purpose . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

31

2.2.3

Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

32

2.2.4

Academic sub-disciplines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

36

2.2

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ii

CONTENTS

2.3

2.4

2.5

2.6

2.2.5

Popular views of archaeology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

37

2.2.6

Current issues and controversy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

38

2.2.7

Fictional archaeologists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

41

2.2.8

See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

41

2.2.9

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

41

2.2.10 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

43

2.2.11 Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

45

2.2.12 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

45

Cultural anthropology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

45

2.3.1

Theoretical foundations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

46

2.3.2

Foundational thinkers

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

47

2.3.3

Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

50

2.3.4

See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

52

2.3.5

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

52

2.3.6

External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

53

Cultural history . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

53

2.4.1

Description . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

53

2.4.2

Cultural studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

54

2.4.3

See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

54

2.4.4

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

54

2.4.5

Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

54

2.4.6

External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

55

Diaspora . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

55

2.5.1

Origins and development of the term . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

55

2.5.2

European diasporas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

57

2.5.3

African diaspora . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

58

2.5.4

Asian diaspora . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

58

2.5.5

Internal diasporas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

59

2.5.6

20th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

59

2.5.7

21st century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

60

2.5.8

Diaspora populations on the Internet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

60

2.5.9

In popular culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

60

2.5.10 See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

60

2.5.11 Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

61

2.5.12 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

62

2.5.13 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

63

Economic anthropology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

63

2.6.1

Reciprocity and the gift

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

63

2.6.2

Cultural construction of economic systems: the substantivist approach . . . . . . . . . . . .

66

2.6.3

Money and finance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

68

2.6.4

Consumption studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

70

CONTENTS

iii

2.6.5

The anthropology of corporate capitalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

70

2.6.6

See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

71

2.6.7

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

71

2.6.8

Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

73

2.6.9

External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

73

Ethnobiology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

73

2.7.1

History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

73

2.7.2

Subjects of inquiry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

75

2.7.3

Subdisciplines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

75

2.7.4

Other disciplines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

75

2.7.5

Ethics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

76

2.7.6

See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

76

2.7.7

Footnotes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

76

2.7.8

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

77

2.7.9

External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

78

Ethnography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

78

2.8.1

History and meaning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

78

2.8.2

Origins . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

78

2.8.3

Forms of ethnography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

79

2.8.4

Features of ethnographic research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

79

2.8.5

Procedures for conducting ethnography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

79

2.8.6

Ethnography as method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

80

2.8.7

Data collection methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

80

2.8.8

Differences across disciplines

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

81

2.8.9

Evaluating ethnography

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

84

2.8.10 Challenges of ethnography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

84

2.8.11 Ethics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

85

2.8.12 Examples of studies that can use an ethnographic approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

86

2.8.13 See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

87

2.8.14 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

87

2.8.15 Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

88

2.8.16 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

89

Ethnology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

89

2.9.1

Scientific discipline . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

90

2.9.2

Scholars . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

91

2.9.3

See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

91

2.9.4

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

91

2.9.5

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

91

2.9.6

External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

91

2.10 Human . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

91

2.10.1 Etymology and definition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

92

2.7

2.8

2.9

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CONTENTS 2.10.2 History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

92

2.10.3 Habitat and population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

95

2.10.4 Biology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

96

2.10.5 Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 2.10.6 Behavior . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 2.10.7 See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 2.10.8 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 2.10.9 Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 2.10.10 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 2.11 Interpersonal relationship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 2.11.1 Field of study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 2.11.2 Importance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 2.11.3 Stages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 2.11.4 Relationship satisfaction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120 2.11.5 Flourishing, budding, blooming, blossoming relationships . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120 2.11.6 See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124 2.11.7 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124 2.11.8 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 3

Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses

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Text . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126

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Images . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134

3.3

Content license . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139

Chapter 1

Main article 1.1 Anthropology

reason into Anatomy, which considers the body and the parts, and Psychology, which speaks of the soul.[n 3]

This article is about Anthropology in the 20th and 21st centuries. For earlier development, see History of anthropology. For other uses, see Anthropology Sporadic use of the term for some of the subject matter (disambiguation). occurred subsequently, such as the use by Étienne Serres in 1838 to describe the natural history, or paleontology, [1][2][3] Anthropology is the study of humanity. Its main of man, based on comparative anatomy, and the creation subdivisions are social and cultural anthropology,[1][2][3] of a chair in anthropology and ethnography in 1850 at the which describes the workings of societies around the National Museum of Natural History () by Jean world, linguistic anthropology, which investigates the in- Louis Armand de Quatrefages de Bréau. Various shortfluence of language in social life, and biological or phys- lived organizations of anthropologists had already been ical anthropology,[1][2][3] which concerns long-term de- formed. The Société Ethnologique de Paris, the first to velopment of the human organism. Archaeology, which use Ethnology, was formed in 1839. Its were studies past human cultures through investigation of phys- primarily anti-slavery activists. When slavery was abolical evidence, is thought of as a branch of anthropology ished in in 1848 the Société was abandoned. in the United States,[4] although in Europe, it is viewed as a discipline in its own right, or related to other disciplines. Eric R. Wolf states “Ideas about race, culture and peoplehood or ethnicity have long served to orient anthropology’s inquiries ....”[5]

1.1.1

Meanwhile, the Ethnological Society of New York, currently the American Ethnological Society, was founded on its model in 1842, as well as the Ethnological Society of London in 1843, a break-away group of the Aborigines’ Protection Society.[9] These anthropologists of the times were liberal, anti-slavery, and pro-humanrights activists. They maintained international connections.

Origin and development of the term

Anthropology and many other current fields are the intellectual results of the comparative methods developed in the earlier 19th century. Theorists in such diverse fields as anatomy, linguistics, and Ethnology, making featureby-feature comparisons of their subject matters, were beginning to suspect that similarities between animals, languages, and folkways were the result of processes or laws unknown to them then.[10] For them, the publication of Charles Darwin’s On the Origin of Species was the epiphany of everything they had begun to suspect. Darwin himself arrived at his conclusions through comparison of species he had seen in agronomy and in the wild.

Main article: History of anthropology The abstract noun anthropology is first attested in reference to history.[6][n 1] Its present use first appeared in Renaissance in the works of Magnus Hundt and Otto Casmann.[7] Their New Latin anthropologia derived from the combining forms of the Greek words ánthrōpos (ἄνθρωπος, "human") and lógos (λόγος, "study").[6] (Its adjectival form appeared in the works of Aristotle.)[6] It began to be used in English, possibly via French anthropologie, by the early 18th century.[6][n 2]

Darwin and Wallace unveiled evolution in the late 1850’s. There was an immediate rush to bring it into the social sciences. Paul Broca in Paris was in the process of breakIn 1647, the Bartholins, founders of the University of ing away from the Société de biologie to form the first Copenhagen, defined l'anthropologie as follows:[8] of the explicitly anthropological societies, the Société d’Anthropologie de Paris, meeting for the first time in Anthropology, that is to say the science that Paris in 1859.[11][n 4] When he read Darwin he became treats of man, is divided ordinarily and with an immediate convert to Transformisme, as the French Through the 19th century

1

2

CHAPTER 1. MAIN ARTICLE

called evolutionism.[12] His definition now became “the pirical foundation. study of the human group, considered as a whole, in its During the last three decades of the 19th century a prodetails, and in relation to the rest of nature”.[13] liferation of anthropological societies and associations Broca, being what today would be called a neurosurgeon, occurred, most independent, most publishing their own had taken an interest in the pathology of speech. He journals, and all international in hip and assowanted to localize the difference between man and the ciation. The major theorists belonged to these organizaother animals, which appeared to reside in speech. He tions. They ed the gradual osmosis of anthropoldiscovered the speech center of the human brain, today ogy curricula into the major institutions of higher learncalled Broca’s area after him. His interest was mainly ing. By 1898 the American Association for the Advancein Biological anthropology, but a German philosopher ment of Science was able to report that 48 educational specializing in psychology, Theodor Waitz, took up the institutions in 13 countries had some curriculum in antheme of general and social anthropology in his six- thropology. None of the 75 faculty were under volume work, entitled Die Anthropologie der Naturvölker, a department named anthropology.[18] 1859-1864. The title was soon translated as “The Anthropology of Primitive Peoples”. The last two volumes were published posthumously. 20th & 21st century Waitz defined anthropology as “the science of the nature of man”. By nature he meant matter animated by This meagre statistic expanded in the 20th century to “the Divine breath";[14] i.e., he was an animist. Fol- comprise anthropology departments in the majority of lowing Broca’s lead, Waitz points out that anthropology the world’s higher educational institutions, many thouis a new field, which would gather material from other sands in number. Anthropology has diversified from a fields, but would differ from them in the use of compara- few major subdivisions to dozens more. Practical anthrotive anatomy, physiology, and psychology to differentiate pology, the use of anthropological knowledge and techman from “the animals nearest to him”. He stresses that nique to solve specific problems, has arrived; for example, the data of comparison must be empirical, gathered by the presence of buried victims might stimulate the use of experimentation.[15] The history of civilization as well as a forensic archaeologist to recreate the final scene. Orgaethnology are to be brought into the comparison. It is nization has reached global level. For example, the World to be presumed fundamentally that the species, man, is a Council of Anthropological Associations (WCAA), “a unity, and that “the same laws of thought are applicable network of national, regional and international associations that aims to promote worldwide communication and to all men”.[16] cooperation in anthropology”, currently contains memWaitz was influential among the British ethnologists. In bers from about three dozen nations.[19] 1863 the explorer, Richard Francis Burton and the speech therapist, James Hunt broke away from the Ethnological Since the work of Franz Boas and Bronisław Malinowski Society of London to form the Anthropological Society in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, social anthroof London, which henceforward would follow the path pology in Great Britain and cultural anthropology in the of the new anthropology rather than just ethnology. It US have been distinguished from other social sciences was the 2nd society dedicated to general anthropology in by its emphasis on cross-cultural comparisons, long-term existence. Representatives from the French Société were in-depth examination of context, and the importance it present, though not Broca. In his keynote address, printed places on participant-observation or experiential immerin the first volume of its new publication, The Anthropo- sion in the area of research. Cultural anthropology in logical Review, Hunt stressed the work of Waitz, adopting particular has emphasized cultural relativism, holism, and [20] his definitions as a standard.[17][n 5] Among the first asso- the use of findings to frame cultural critiques. This has ciates were the young Edward Burnett Tylor, inventor of been particularly prominent in the United States, from cultural anthropology, and his brother Alfred Tylor, a ge- Boas’ arguments against 19th-century racial ideology, ologist. Previously Edward had referred to himself as an through Margaret Mead's advocacy for gender equality and sexual liberation, to current criticisms of postethnologist; subsequently, an anthropologist. colonial oppression and promotion of multiculturalism. Similar organizations in other countries followed: The Ethnography is one of its primary research designs as American Anthropological Association in 1902, the Anwell as the text that is generated from anthropological thropological Society of Madrid (1865), the Anthropofieldwork.[21][22][23] logical Society of Vienna (1870), the Italian Society of Anthropology and Ethnology (1871), and many others In Great Britain and the Commonwealth countries, the subsequently. The majority of these were evolutionist. British tradition of social anthropology tends to domiOne notable exception was the Berlin Society of Anthro- nate. In the United States, anthropology has traditionally pology (1869) founded by Rudolph Virchow, known for been divided into the four field approach developed by his vituperative attacks on the evolutionists. Not religious Franz Boas in the early 20th century: biological or physihimself, he insisted that Darwin’s conclusions lacked em- cal anthropology; social, cultural, or sociocultural anthropology; and archaeology; plus anthropological linguistics.

1.1. ANTHROPOLOGY

3

These fields frequently overlap, but tend to use different central place in cultural and social anthropology. In conmethodologies and techniques. trast, archaeology and biological anthropology remained European countries with overseas colonies tended to largely positivist. Due to this difference in epistemology, practice more ethnology (a term coined and defined by the four sub-fields of anthropology have lacked cohesion Adam F. Kollár in 1783). In non-colonial European over the last several decades. countries, social anthropology is now defined as the study of social organization in non-state societies. It is someSociocultural times referred to as sociocultural anthropology in the parts of the world that were influenced by the European Main articles: Cultural anthropology, Social anthropoltradition.[24] ogy and Sociocultural anthropology

1.1.2

Fields

Further information: American anthropology Anthropology is a global discipline where humanities, social, and natural sciences are forced to confront one another. Anthropology builds upon knowledge from natural sciences, including the discoveries about the origin and evolution of Homo sapiens, human physical traits, human behavior, the variations among different groups of humans, how the evolutionary past of Homo sapiens has influenced its social organization and culture, and from social sciences, including the organization of human social and cultural relations, institutions, social conflicts, etc.[25][26] Early anthropology originated in Classical Greece and Persia and studied and tried to understand observable cultural diversity.[27][28] As such, anthropology has been central in the development of several new (late 20th century) interdisciplinary fields such as cognitive science,[29] global studies, and various ethnic studies. According to Clifford Geertz, “anthropology is perhaps the last of the great nineteenth-century conglomerate disciplines still for the most part organizationally intact. Long after natural history, moral philosophy, philology, and political economy have dissolved into their specialized successors, it has remained a diffuse assemblage of ethnology, human biology, comparative linguistics, and prehistory, held together mainly by the vested interests, sunk costs, and istrative habits of academia, and by a romantic image of comprehensive scholarship.”[30]

Sociocultural anthropology draws together the principle axes of cultural anthropology and social anthropology. Cultural anthropology is the comparative study of the manifold ways in which people make sense of the world around them, while social anthropology is the study of the relationships among persons and groups.[32] Cultural anthropology is more related to philosophy, literature and the arts (how one’s culture affects experience for self and group, contributing to more complete understanding of the people’s knowledge, customs, and institutions), while social anthropology is more related to sociology and history.[32] in that it helps develop understanding of social structures, typically of others and other populations (such as minorities, subgroups, dissidents, etc.). There is no hard-and-fast distinction between them, and these categories overlap to a considerable degree. Inquiry in sociocultural anthropology is guided in part by cultural relativism, the attempt to understand other societies in of their own cultural symbols and values.[21] Accepting other cultures in their own moderates reductionism in cross-cultural comparison.[33] This project is often accommodated in the field of ethnography. Ethnography can refer to both a methodology and the product of ethnographic research, i.e. an ethnographic monograph. As methodology, ethnography is based upon long-term fieldwork within a community or other research site. Participant observation is one of the foundational methods of social and cultural anthropology.[34] Ethnology involves the systematic comparison of different cultures. The process of participant-observation can be especially helpful to understanding a culture from an emic (conceptual, vs. etic, or technical) point of view. The study of kinship and social organization is a central focus of sociocultural anthropology, as kinship is a human universal. Sociocultural anthropology also covers economic and political organization, law and conflict resolution, patterns of consumption and exchange, material culture, technology, infrastructure, gender relations, ethnicity, childrearing and socialization, religion, myth, symbols, values, etiquette, worldview, sports, music, nutrition, recreation, games, food, festivals, and language (which is also the object of study in linguistic anthropology).

Sociocultural anthropology has been heavily influenced by structuralist and postmodern theories, as well as a shift toward the analysis of modern societies. During the 1970s and 1990s, there was an epistemological shift away from the positivist traditions that had largely informed the discipline.[31] During this shift, enduring questions about Comparison across cultures is a key element of method in the nature and production of knowledge came to occupy a sociocultural anthropology, including the industrialized

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(and de-industrialized) West. Cultures in the Standard altered landscapes are evidence of the cultural and mateCross-Cultural Sample (SCCS)[35] of world societies are: rial lives of past societies. Archaeologists examine these material remains in order to deduce patterns of past huSee also: List of indigenous peoples man behavior and cultural practices. Ethnoarchaeology is a type of archaeology that studies the practices and material remains of living human groups in order to gain a Biological better understanding of the evidence left behind by past human groups, who are presumed to have lived in similar Main article: Biological anthropology ways.[37] Biological Anthropology and Physical Anthropology are Linguistic Main article: Linguistic anthropology

Forensic anthropologists can help identify skeletonized human remains, such as these found lying in scrub in Western Australia, c. 1900–1910.

Linguistic anthropology (also called anthropological linguistics) seeks to understand the processes of human communications, verbal and non-verbal, variation in language across time and space, the social uses of language, and the relationship between language and culture. It is the branch of anthropology that brings linguistic methods to bear on anthropological problems, linking the analysis of linguistic forms and processes to the interpretation of sociocultural processes. Linguistic anthropologists often draw on related fields including sociolinguistics, pragmatics, cognitive linguistics, semiotics, discourse analysis, and narrative analysis.[38]

synonymous to describe anthropological research focused on the study of humans and non-human primates 1.1.3 Key topics by field: sociocultural in their biological, evolutionary, and demographic dimensions. It examines the biological and social factors Art, media, music, dance and film that have affected the evolution of humans and other primates, and that generate, maintain or change contempo- Art Main article: Anthropology of art rary genetic and physiological variation.[36] One of the central problems in the anthropology of art concerns the universality of 'art' as a cultural phenomenon. Several anthropologists have noted that the Western categories of 'painting', 'sculpture', or 'literaMain article: Archaeology Archaeology is the study of the human past through its ture', conceived as independent artistic activities, do not exist, or exist in a significantly different form, in most non-Western contexts.[39] To surmount this difficulty, anthropologists of art have focused on formal features in objects which, without exclusively being 'artistic', have certain evident 'aesthetic' qualities. Boas’ Primitive Art, Claude Lévi-Strauss’ The Way of the Masks (1982) or Geertz’s 'Art as Cultural System' (1983) are some examples in this trend to transform the anthropology of 'art' into an anthropology of culturally specific 'aesthetics’. Archaeological

Media Main article: Media anthropology Media anthropology (also known as anthropology of media or mass media) emphasizes ethnographic studies as a means of understanding producers, audiences, and other cultural and social aspects of mass media. The types of Excavations at the 3800-year-old Edgewater Park Site, Iowa ethnographic contexts explored range from contexts of material remains. Artifacts, faunal remains, and human media production (e.g., ethnographies of newsrooms in

1.1. ANTHROPOLOGY

5 since the mid-1990s, new media. While the term is sometimes used interchangeably with ethnographic film, visual anthropology also encomes the anthropological study of visual representation, including areas such as performance, museums, art, and the production and reception of mass media. Visual representations from all cultures, such as sandpaintings, tattoos, sculptures and reliefs, cave paintings, scrimshaw, jewelry, hieroglyphics, paintings and photographs are included in the focus of visual anthropology.

Economic, political economic, applied and development Economic

Main article: Economic anthropology

Economic anthropology attempts to explain human economic behavior in its widest historic, geographic and cultural scope. It has a complex relationship with the discipline of economics, of which it is highly critical. Its origins as a sub-field of anthropology begin with the PolishBritish founder of Anthropology, Bronislaw Malinowski, and his French compatriot, Marcel Mauss, on the nature of gift-giving exchange (or reciprocity) as an alternative to market exchange. Economic Anthropology remains, for the most part, focused upon exchange. The school of thought derived from Marx and known as Political Economy focuses on production, in contrast.[42] Economic AnA Punu tribe mask. Gabon Central Africa thropologists have abandoned the primitivist niche they were relegated to by economists, and have now turned to examine corporations, banks, and the global financial newspapers, journalists in the field, film production) to system from an anthropological perspective. contexts of media reception, following audiences in their everyday responses to media. Other types include cyber anthropology, a relatively new area of internet research, as well as ethnographies of other areas of research which Political economy Main article: Political economy in happen to involve media, such as development work, anthropology social movements, or health education. This is in addition to many classic ethnographic contexts, where media such Political economy in anthropology is the application of as radio, the press, new media and television have started the theories and methods of Historical Materialism to the to make their presences felt since the early 1990s.[40][41] traditional concerns of anthropology, including, but not Music

Main article: Ethnomusicology

Ethnomusicology is an academic field encoming various approaches to the study of music (broadly defined), that emphasize its cultural, social, material, cognitive, biological, and other dimensions or contexts instead of or in addition to its isolated sound component or any particular repertoire. Visual

Main article: Visual anthropology

Visual anthropology is concerned, in part, with the study and production of ethnographic photography, film and,

limited to, non-capitalist societies. Political Economy introduced questions of history and colonialism to ahistorical anthropological theories of social structure and culture. Three main areas of interest rapidly developed. The first of these areas was concerned with the “pre-capitalist” societies that were subject to evolutionary “tribal” stereotypes. Sahlins work on Hunter-gatherers as the 'original affluent society' did much to dissipate that image. The second area was concerned with the vast majority of the world’s population at the time, the peasantry, many of whom were involved in complex revolutionary wars such as in Vietnam. The third area was on colonialism, imperialism, and the creation of the capitalist world-system.[43] More recently, these Political Economists have more directly addressed issues of industrial (and post-industrial) capitalism around the world.

6 Applied

CHAPTER 1. MAIN ARTICLE Main article: Applied anthropology

perspectives have sometimes been marginalized and regarded as less valid or important than knowledge from the western world. Feminist anthropologists have claimed that their research helps to correct this systematic bias in mainstream feminist theory. Feminist anthropologists are centrally concerned with the construction of gender across societies. Feminist anthropology is inclusive of birth anthropology as a specialization.

Applied Anthropology refers to the application of the method and theory of anthropology to the analysis and solution of practical problems. It is a, “complex of related, research-based, instrumental methods which produce change or stability in specific cultural systems through the provision of data, initiation of direct action, and/or the formulation of policy”.[44] More simply, applied anthropology is the practical side of anthropologi- Medical, nutritional, psychological, cognitive and cal research; it includes researcher involvement and ac- transpersonal tivism within the participating community. It is closely related to Development anthropology (distinct from the Medical Main article: Medical anthropology more critical Anthropology of development).

Medical anthropology is an interdisciplinary field which Development Main article: anthropology of develop- studies “human health and disease, health care systems, and biocultural adaptation”.[45] Currently, research in ment medical anthropology is one of the main growth areas in the field of anthropology as a whole. It focuses on the Anthropology of development tends to view development following six basic fields: from a critical perspective. The kind of issues addressed and implications for the approach simply involve ponder• the development of systems of mediing why, if a key development goal is to alleviate poverty, cal knowledge and medical care is poverty increasing? Why is there such a gap between • the patient-physician relationship plans and outcomes? Why are those working in development so willing to disregard history and the lessons it • the integration of alternative medical sysmight offer? Why is development so externally driven tems in culturally diverse environments rather than having an internal basis? In short why does so • the interaction of social, environmenmuch planned development fail? tal and biological factors which influence health and illness both in the individual and the community as a whole Kinship, feminism, gender and sexuality Kinship

Main article: Kinship

Kinship can refer both to the study of the patterns of social relationships in one or more human cultures, or it can refer to the patterns of social relationships themselves. Over its history, anthropology has developed a number of related concepts and , such as "descent", "descent groups", "lineages", "affines", "cognates", and even "fictive kinship". Broadly, kinship patterns may be considered to include people related both by descent (one’s social relations during development), and also relatives by marriage.

Feminist

Main article: Feminist anthropology

Feminist anthropology is a four field approach to anthropology (archeological, biological, cultural, linguistic) that seeks to reduce male bias in research findings, anthropological hiring practices, and the scholarly production of knowledge. Anthropology engages often with feminists from non-Western traditions, whose perspectives and experiences can differ from those of white European and American feminists. Historically, such 'peripheral'

• the critical analysis of interaction between psychiatric services and migrant populations (“critical ethnopsychiatry": Beneduce 2004, 2007) • the impact of biomedicine and biomedical technologies in non-Western settings Other subjects that have become central to medical anthropology worldwide are violence and social suffering (Farmer, 1999, 2003; Beneduce, 2010) as well as other issues that involve physical and psychological harm and suffering that are not a result of illness. On the other hand, there are fields that intersect with medical anthropology in of research methodology and theoretical production, such as cultural psychiatry and transcultural psychiatry or ethnopsychiatry. Nutritional

Main article: Nutritional anthropology

Nutritional anthropology is a synthetic concept that deals with the interplay between economic systems, nutritional status and food security, and how changes in the former affect the latter. If economic and environmental changes in a community affect access to food, food security, and

1.1. ANTHROPOLOGY dietary health, then this interplay between culture and biology is in turn connected to broader historical and economic trends associated with globalization. Nutritional status affects overall health status, work performance potential, and the overall potential for economic development (either in of human development or traditional western models) for any given group of people. Psychological ogy

Main article: Psychological anthropol-

Psychological anthropology is an interdisciplinary subfield of anthropology that studies the interaction of cultural and mental processes. This subfield tends to focus on ways in which humans’ development and enculturation within a particular cultural group—with its own history, language, practices, and conceptual categories—shape processes of human cognition, emotion, perception, motivation, and mental health. It also examines how the understanding of cognition, emotion, motivation, and similar psychological processes inform or constrain our models of cultural and social processes.[46][47] Cognitive

Main article: Cognitive anthropology

Cognitive anthropology seeks to explain patterns of shared knowledge, cultural innovation, and transmission over time and space using the methods and theories of the cognitive sciences (especially experimental psychology and evolutionary biology) often through close collaboration with historians, ethnographers, archaeologists, linguists, musicologists and other specialists engaged in the description and interpretation of cultural forms. Cognitive anthropology is concerned with what people from different groups know and how that implicit knowledge changes the way people perceive and relate to the world around them.[48] Transpersonal pology

Political anthropology concerns the structure of political systems, looked at from the basis of the structure of societies. Political anthropology developed as a discipline concerned primarily with politics in stateless societies, a new development started from the 1960s, and is still unfolding: anthropologists started increasingly to study more “complex” social settings in which the presence of states, bureaucracies and markets entered both ethnographic s and analysis of local phenomena. The turn towards complex societies meant that political themes were taken up at two main levels. First of all, anthropologists continued to study political organization and political phenomena that lay outside the stateregulated sphere (as in patron-client relations or tribal political organization). Second of all, anthropologists slowly started to develop a disciplinary concern with states and their institutions (and of course on the relationship between formal and informal political institutions). An anthropology of the state developed, and it is a most thriving field today. Geertz' comparative work on “Negara”, the Balinese state is an early, famous example. Legal Main article: Legal anthropology Legal anthropology or anthropology of law specializes in “the cross-cultural study of social ordering”.[49] Earlier legal anthropological research often focused more narrowly on conflict management, crime, sanctions, or formal regulation. More recent applications include issues such as human rights, legal pluralism,[50] and political uprisings. Public Main article: Public anthropology

Public Anthropology was created by Robert Borofsky, a professor at Hawaii Pacific University, to “demonstrate the ability of anthropology and anthropologists to effectively address problems beyond the discipline - illuminating larger social issues of our times as well as encouraging Main article: Transpersonal anthro- broad, public conversations about them with the explicit goal of fostering social change” (Borofsky 2004).

Transpersonal anthropology studies the relationship between altered states of consciousness and culture. As with transpersonal psychology, the field is much concerned with altered states of consciousness (ASC) and transpersonal experience. However, the field differs from mainstream transpersonal psychology in taking more cognizance of cross-cultural issues—for instance, the roles of myth, ritual, diet, and texts in evoking and interpreting extraordinary experiences (Young and Goulet 1994). Political and legal Political

7

Main article: Political anthropology

Nature, science and technology Cyborg

Main article: Cyborg anthropology

Cyborg anthropology originated as a sub-focus group within the American Anthropological Association's annual meeting in 1993. The sub-group was very closely related to STS and the Society for the Social Studies of Science.[51] Donna Haraway's 1985 Cyborg Manifesto could be considered the founding document of cyborg anthropology by first exploring the philosophical and sociological ramifications of the term. Cyborg anthropology studies humankind and its relations with the technological systems it has built, specifically modern technological sys-

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tems that have reflexively shaped notions of what it means Ethnohistory is the study of ethnographic cultures and to be human beings. indigenous customs by examining historical records. It is also the study of the history of various ethnic groups that may or may not exist today. Ethnohistory uses both historical and ethnographic data as its foundation. Its Digital Main article: Digital anthropology historical methods and materials go beyond the standard use of documents and manuscripts. Practitioners recogDigital anthropology is the study of the relationship benize the utility of such source material as maps, music, tween humans and digital-era technology, and extends paintings, photography, folklore, oral tradition, site exto various areas where anthropology and technology inploration, archaeological materials, museum collections, tersect. It is sometimes grouped with sociocultural anenduring customs, language, and place names.[60] thropology, and sometimes considered part of material culture. The field is new, and thus has a variety of names with a variety of emphases. These include techno-anthropology,[52] digital ethnography, Religion cyberanthropology,[53] and virtual anthropology.[54] Main article: Anthropology of religion Ecological

Main article: Ecological anthropology

Ecological anthropology is defined as the “study of cultural adaptations to environments”.[55] The sub-field is also defined as, “the study of relationships between a population of humans and their biophysical environment".[56] The focus of its research concerns “how cultural beliefs and practices helped human populations adapt to their environments, and how people used elements of their culture to maintain their ecosystems.”[55]

The anthropology of religion involves the study of religious institutions in relation to other social institutions, and the comparison of religious beliefs and practices across cultures. Modern anthropology assumes that there is complete continuity between magical thinking and religion,[61][n 6] and that every religion is a cultural product, created by the human community that worships it.[62]

Urban Environmental Main article: Environmental anthro- Main article: Urban anthropology pology Environmental anthropology is a sub-specialty within the field of anthropology that takes an active role in examining the relationships between humans and their environment across space and time.[57] The contemporary perspective of environmental anthropology, and arguably at least the backdrop, if not the focus of most of the ethnographies and cultural fieldworks of today, is political ecology. Many characterize this new perspective as more informed with culture, politics and power, globalization, localized issues, and more.[58] The focus and data interpretation is often used for arguments for/against or creation of policy, and to prevent corporate exploitation and damage of land. Often, the observer has become an active part of the struggle either directly (organizing, participation) or indirectly (articles, documentaries, books, ethnographies). Such is the case with environmental justice advocate Melissa Checker and her relationship with the people of Hyde Park.[59]

Urban anthropology is concerned with issues of urbanization, poverty, and neoliberalism. Ulf Hannerz quotes a 1960s remark that traditional anthropologists were “a notoriously agoraphobic lot, anti-urban by definition”. Various social processes in the Western World as well as in the "Third World" (the latter being the habitual focus of attention of anthropologists) brought the attention of "specialists in 'other cultures’" closer to their homes.[63] There are two principle approaches in urban anthropology: by examining the types of cities or examining the social issues within the cities. These two methods are overlapping and dependent of each other. By defining different types of cities, one would use social factors as well as economic and political factors to categorize the cities. By directly looking at the different social issues, one would also be studying how they affect the dynamic of the city.[64]

Historical

1.1.4 Key topics by field: archaeological and biological

Main article: Ethnohistory See also: Historical anthropology

Main articles: Archaeological and Biological anthropology

1.1. ANTHROPOLOGY

9

Anthrozoology

setting, most often in criminal cases where the victim’s remains are in the advanced stages of decomposition. Main article: Anthrozoology A forensic anthropologist can assist in the identification of deceased individuals whose remains are decomposed, Anthrozoology (also known as “human–animal studies”) burned, mutilated or otherwise unrecognizable. The adis the study of interaction between living things. It is jective “forensic” refers to the application of this subfield a burgeoning interdisciplinary field that overlaps with of science to a court of law. a number of other disciplines, including anthropology, ethology, medicine, psychology, veterinary medicine and Palaeoanthropology zoology. A major focus of anthrozoologic research is the quantifying of the positive effects of human- Main article: Palaeoanthropology animal relationships on either party and the study of their interactions.[65] It includes scholars from a diverse range of fields, including anthropology, sociology, biology, and Paleoanthropology combines the disciplines of paleontology and physical anthropology. It is the philosophy.[66][67][n 7] study of ancient humans, as found in fossil hominid evidence such as petrifacted bones and footprints. Biocultural Main article: Biocultural anthropology Biocultural anthropology is the scientific exploration of the relationships between human biology and culture. Physical anthropologists throughout the first half of the 20th century viewed this relationship from a racial perspective; that is, from the assumption that typological human biological differences lead to cultural differences.[68] After World War II the emphasis began to shift toward an effort to explore the role culture plays in shaping human biology. Evolutionary Main article: Evolutionary anthropology Evolutionary anthropology is the interdisciplinary study of the evolution of human physiology and human behaviour and the relation between hominins and nonhominin primates. Evolutionary anthropology is based in natural science and social science, combining the human development with socioeconomic factors. Evolutionary anthropology is concerned with both biological and cultural evolution of humans, past and present. It is based on a scientific approach, and brings together fields such as archaeology, behavioral ecology, psychology, primatology, and genetics. It is a dynamic and interdisciplinary field, drawing on many lines of evidence to understand the human experience, past and present.

1.1.5 Organizations Contemporary anthropology is an established science with academic departments at most universities and colleges. The single largest organization of Anthropologists is the American Anthropological Association (AAA), which was founded in 1903.[69] hip is made up of anthropologists from around the globe.[70] In 1989, a group of European and American scholars in the field of anthropology established the European Association of Social Anthropologists (EASA) which serves as a major professional organization for anthropologists working in Europe. The EASA seeks to advance the status of anthropology in Europe and to increase visibility of marginalized anthropological traditions and thereby contribute to the project of a global anthropology or world anthropology. Hundreds of other organizations exist in the various subfields of anthropology, sometimes divided up by nation or region, and many anthropologists work with collaborators in other disciplines, such as geology, physics, zoology, paleontology, anatomy, music theory, art history, sociology and so on, belonging to professional societies in those disciplines as well.[71] List of major organizations Main category: Anthropology organizations • American Anthropological Association

Forensic

• American Ethnological Society

Main article: Forensic anthropology

• Asociación de Antropólogos Iberoamericanos en Red, AIBR

Forensic anthropology is the application of the science of physical anthropology and human osteology in a legal

• Moving Anthropology Student Network • Anthropological Society of London

10 • Center for World Indigenous Studies • Ethnological Society of London • Institute of Anthropology and Ethnography • Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology • Network of Concerned Anthropologists

CHAPTER 1. MAIN ARTICLE inhumanity to man. To illustrate the depth of an anthropological approach, one can take just one of these topics, such as “racism” and find thousands of anthropological references, stretching across all the major and minor subfields.[78][79] Ethical stance to military involvement

• N. N. Miklukho-Maklai Institute of Ethnology and Anthropologists’ involvement with the U.S. government, Anthropology in particular, has caused bitter controversy within the discipline. Franz Boas publicly objected to US participation • Radical Anthropology Group in World War I, and after the war he published a brief • Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and expose and condemnation of the participation of several Ireland American archaeologists in espionage in Mexico under their cover as scientists. • Society for anthropological sciences But by the 1940s, many of Boas’ anthropologist contemporaries were active in the allied war effort against the “Axis” (Nazi , Fascist Italy, and Imperial • USC Center for Visual Anthropology Japan). Many served in the armed forces, while others worked in intelligence (for example, Office of Strate1.1.6 Controversial ethical stances gic Services and the Office of War Information). At the same time, David H. Price’s work on American anthroAnthropologists, like other researchers (especially his- pology during the Cold War provides detailed s of torians and scientists engaged in field research), have the pursuit and dismissal of several anthropologists from over time assisted state policies and projects, especially their jobs for communist sympathies. colonialism.[72][73] Attempts to accuse anthropologists of complicity with Some commentators have contended: the CIA and government intelligence activities during the Vietnam War years have turned up surprisingly lit• That the discipline grew out of colonialism, perhaps tle (although anthropologist Hugo Nutini was active in the [80] was in league with it, and derived some of its key no- stillborn Project Camelot). Many anthropologists (stutions from it, consciously or not. (See, for example, dents and teachers) were active in the antiwar movement. Gough, Pels and Salemink, but cf. Lewis 2004).[74] Numerous resolutions condemning the war in all its aspects were ed overwhelmingly at the annual meetings • That ethnographic work was often ahistorical, writ- of the American Anthropological Association (AAA). ing about people as if they were “out of time” in an “ethnographic present” (Johannes Fabian, Time and Professional anthropological bodies often object to the use of anthropology for the benefit of the state. Their Its Other). codes of ethics or statements may proscribe anthropologists from giving secret briefings. The Association of Social Anthropologists of the UK and Commonwealth Ethics of cultural relativism (ASA) has called certain scholarship ethically dangerous. As part of their quest for scientific objectivity, The AAA’s current 'Statement of Professional Responsipresent-day anthropologists typically urge cultural bility' clearly states that “in relation with their own govrelativism, which has an influence on all the sub-fields of ernment and with host governments ... no secret research, anthropology.[21] This is the notion that cultures should no secret reports or debriefings of any kind should be not be judged by another’s values or viewpoints, but be agreed to or given.” examined disionately on their own . There Anthropologists, along with other social scientists, are should be no notions, in good anthropology, of one working with the US military as part of the US Army’s culture being better or worse than another culture.[75] strategy in Afghanistan.[81] The Christian Science Moni• Society for Applied Anthropology

Ethical commitments in anthropology include noticing and documenting genocide, infanticide, racism, mutilation (including circumcision and subincision), and torture. Topics like racism, slavery, and human sacrifice attract anthropological attention and theories ranging from nutritional deficiencies[76] to genes[77] to acculturation have been proposed, not to mention theories of colonialism and many others as root causes of Man’s

tor reports that “Counterinsurgency efforts focus on better grasping and meeting local needs” in Afghanistan, under the Human Terrain System (HTS) program; in addition, HTS teams are working with the US military in Iraq.[82] In 2009, the American Anthropological Association’s Commission on the Engagement of Anthropology with the US Security and Intelligence Communities released its final report concluding, in part, that, “When

1.1. ANTHROPOLOGY

11

ethnographic investigation is determined by military missions, not subject to external review, where data collection occurs in the context of war, integrated into the goals of counterinsurgency, and in a potentially coercive environment – all characteristic factors of the HTS concept and its application – it can no longer be considered a legitimate professional exercise of anthropology. In summary, while we stress that constructive engagement between anthropology and the military is possible, CEAUSSIC suggests that the AAA emphasize the incompatibility of HTS with disciplinary ethics and practice for job seekers and that it further recognize the problem of allowing HTS to define the meaning of “anthropology” within DoD.”[83]

relevant time periods and geographic regions. Human time on Earth is divided up into relevant cultural traditions based on material, such as the Paleolithic and the Neolithic, of particular use in archaeology. Further cultural subdivisions according to tool types, such as Olduwan or Mousterian or Levalloisian help archaeologists and other anthropologists in understanding major trends in the human past. Anthropologists and geographers share approaches to Culture regions as well, since mapping cultures is central to both sciences. By making comparisons across cultural traditions (time-based) and cultural regions (space-based), anthropologists have developed various kinds of comparative method, a central part of their science.

1.1.7

Commonalities between fields

Post–World War II developments

Before WWII British 'social anthropology' and American 'cultural anthropology' were still distinct traditions. After the war, enough British and American anthropologists borrowed ideas and methodological approaches from one another that some began to speak of them collectively as 'sociocultural' anthropology. Basic trends

Because anthropology developed from so many different enterprises (see History of Anthropology), including but not limited to fossil-hunting, exploring, documentary film-making, paleontology, primatology, antiquity dealings and curatorship, philology, etymology, genetics, regional analysis, ethnology, history, philosophy, and religious studies,[87][88] it is difficult to characterize the entire field in a brief article, although attempts to write histories of the entire field have been made.[89]

There are several characteristics that tend to unite anthropological work. One of the central characteristics is that anthropology tends to provide a comparatively more holistic of phenomena and tends to be highly empirical.[20] The quest for holism leads most anthropologists to study a particular place, problem or phenomenon in detail, using a variety of methods, over a more extensive period than normal in many parts of academia.

Some authors argue that anthropology originated and developed as the study of “other cultures”, both in of time (past societies) and space (non-European/nonWestern societies).[90] For example, the classic of urban anthropology, Ulf Hannerz in the introduction to his seminal Exploring the City: Inquiries Toward an Urban Anthropology mentions that the "Third World" had habitually received most of attention; anthropologists who traIn the 1990s and 2000s (decade), calls for clarification ditionally specialized in “other cultures” looked for them started to look “across the tracks” only in of what constitutes a culture, of how an observer knows far away and [91] late 1960s. where his or her own culture ends and another begins, and other crucial topics in writing anthropology were heard. Now there exist many works focusing on peoples and topThese dynamic relationships, between what can be ob- ics very close to the author’s “home”.[92] It is also argued served on the ground, as opposed to what can be observed that other fields of study, like History and Sociology, on by compiling many local observations remain fundamen- the contrary focus disproportionately on the West.[93] tal in any kind of anthropology, whether cultural, bio , the study of Western societies has been traical, linguistic or archaeological.[84] ditionally left to sociologists, but this is increasingly Biological anthropologists are interested in both human variation[85] and in the possibility of human universals (behaviors, ideas or concepts shared by virtually all human cultures).[86] They use many different methods of study, but modern population genetics, participant observation and other techniques often take anthropologists “into the field,” which means traveling to a community in its own setting, to do something called “fieldwork.” On the biological or physical side, human measurements, genetic samples, nutritional data may be gathered and published as articles or monographs.

changing,[94] starting in the 1970s from scholars like Isac Chiva and journals like Terrain (“fieldwork”), and developing with the center founded by Marc Augé (Le Centre d'anthropologie des mondes contemporains, the Anthropological Research Center of Contemporary Societies).

Since the 1980s it has become common for social and cultural anthropologists to set ethnographic research in the North Atlantic region, frequently examining the connections between locations rather than limiting research to a single locale. There has also been a related shift toward broadening the focus beyond the daily life of ordiAlong with dividing up their project by theoretical em- nary people; increasingly, research is set in settings such phasis, anthropologists typically divide the world up into as scientific laboratories, social movements, governmen-

12

CHAPTER 1. MAIN ARTICLE

tal and nongovernmental organizations and businesses.[95]

1.1.8

See also

Main article: Outline of anthropology

• Anthropological Index Online (AIO) • Anthropological science fiction • Engaged theory • Ethnology • Ethnobiology • Ethology • Folklore • Human ethology • Human evolution • Human Relations Area Files • Intangible Cultural Heritage • Memetics • Origins of society • Prehistoric medicine • Qualitative research • Sociology

[4] As Fletcher points out, the French society was by no means the first to include anthropology or parts of it as its topic. Previous organizations used other names. The German Anthropological Association of St. Petersburg, however, in fact met first in 1861, but due to the death of its founder never met again.[11] [5] Hunt’s choice of theorists does not exclude the numerous other theorists that were beginning to publish a large volume of anthropological studies.[17] [6] “It seems to be one of the postulates of modern anthropology that there is complete continuity between magic and religion. [note 35: See, for instance, RR Marett, Faith, Hope, and Charity in Primitive Religion, the Gifford Lectures (Macmillan, 1932), Lecture II, pp. 21 ff.] ... We have no empirical evidence at all that there ever was an age of magic that has been followed and superseded by an age of religion.”[61] [7] Note that anthrozoology should not be confused with "animal studies", which often refers to animal testing.

1.1.10 References [1] “anthropology”. Oxford Dictionaries. Oxford University Press. Retrieved 10 August 2013. [2] “anthropology”. Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 23 March 2015. [3] “What is Anthropology?". American Anthropological Association. Retrieved 10 August 2013. [4] Haviland, William A.; Prins, Harald E. L.; McBride, Bunny; Walrath, Dana (2010), Cultural Anthropology: The Human Challenge (13th ed.), Cengage Learning, ISBN 0-495-81082-7

• Theological anthropology, a sub-field of theology

[5] Wolf, Eric (1994). “Perilous Ideas: Race, Culture, People”. Current Anthropology 35 (1): 1. doi:10.1086/204231. JSTOR 2744133.

• Philosophical anthropology, a sub-field of philosophy

[6] Oxford English Dictionary, 1st ed. “anthropology, n." Oxford University Press (Oxford), 1885.

• Anthropology in Tinbergen’s four questions

[7] Israel Institute of the History of Medicine. BRILL. p. 19. GGKEY:34XGYHLZ7XY.

1.1.9

Notes

[1] Richard Harvey's 1593 Philadelphus, a defense of the legend of Brutus in British history, includes the age “Genealogy or issue which they had, Artes which they studied, Actes which they did. This part of History is named Anthropology.” [2] John Kersey's 1706 edition of The New World of English Words includes the definition "Anthropology, a Discourse or Description of Man, or of a Man’s Body.” [3] In French: L’Anthropologie, c’est à dire la science qui traite de l’homme, est divisée ordinairment & avec raison en l’Anatomie, qui considere le corps & les parties, et en la Psychologie, qui parle de l’Ame.[8]

Koroth.

[8] Bartholin, Caspar; Bartholin, Thomas (1647). “Preface”. Institutions anatomiques de Gaspar Bartholin, augmentées et enrichies pour la seconde fois tant des opinions et observations nouvelles des modernes. Translated from the Latin by Abr. Du Prat. Paris: M. Hénault et J. Hénault.. [9] Schiller 1979, pp. 130–132 [10] Schiller 1979, p. 221 [11] Fletcher, Robert (1882). “Paul Broca and the French School of Anthroplogy”. The Saturday Lectures, Delivered in the Lecture-room of the U. S. National Museum under the Auspices of the Anthropological and Biological Societies of Washington in March and April 1882. Boston; Washington, D.C.: D. Lothrop & Co.; Judd & Detweiler.. [12] Schiller 1979, p. 143

1.1. ANTHROPOLOGY

13

[13] Schiller 1979, p. 136

[33] Tim Ingold (1996). Key Debates In Anthropology. p. 18. the traditional anthropological project of cross-cultural or cross-societal comparison

[14] Waitz 1863, p. 1 [15] Waitz 1863, p. 5 [16] Waitz 1863, pp. 11–12 [17] Hunt 1863, Introductory Address [18] Maccurdy, George Grant (1899). “Extent of Instruction in Anthropology in Europe and the United States”. Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science: 382–390. [19] “Home”. World Council of Anthropological Associations. Retrieved 29 March 2015. [20] Hylland Eriksen, Thomas. (2004) “What is Anthropology” Pluto. London. p. 79. [21] Tim Ingold (1994). “Introduction to culture”. In Tim Ingold. Companion Encyclopedia of Anthropology. p. 331. [22] On varieties of cultural relativism in anthropology, see Spiro, Melford E. (1987) “Some Reflections on Cultural Determinism and Relativism with Special Reference to Emotion and Reason,” in Culture and Human Nature: Theoretical Papers of Melford E. Spiro. Edited by B. Kilborne and L. L. Langness, pp. 32–58. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. [23] Heyck, Thomas William; Stocking, George W.; Goody, Jack (1997). “After Tylor: British Social Anthropology 1888–1951.”. The American Historical Review 102 (5): 1486–1488. doi:10.2307/2171126. ISSN 0002-8762. JSTOR 2171126. [24] Layton, Robert (1998) An Introduction to Theory in Anthropology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [25] What is Anthropology - American Anthropological Association [26] What is Anthropology - Anthropology Report [27] Harris, Marvin. The Rise of Anthropological Theory. Alta Mira Press. 2000 (revised from 1968); Harris, Marvin. Theories of Culture in Postmodern Times. Altamira. 1998 [28] Ahmed, Akbar S. (1984). “Al-Beruni: The First Anthropologist”. RAIN 60 (60): 9–10. doi:10.2307/3033407. JSTOR 3033407. [29] Bloch, Maurice (1991). “Language, Anthropology and Cognitive Science”. Man (London School of Economics and Political Science) 26 (2): 183–198. doi:10.2307/2803828. JSTOR 2803828. [30] Daniel A. Segal & Sylvia J. Yanagisako, ed. (2005). Unwrapping the Sacred Bundle. Durham and London: Duke University Press. pp. Back Cover.

[34] Bernard, H. Russell, Research Methods in Anthropology. Altamira Press, 2002. p.322. [35] George Peter Murdock; Douglas R. White (1969). “Standard Cross-Cultural Sample”. Ethnology 9: 329– 369. [36] University of Toronto. (n.d.). Research Subfields: Physical or Biological. Retrieved 14 March 2012, from http://anthropology.utoronto.ca/about/research/ physical-or-biological [37] Robbins, R. H. & Larkin, S. N. (2007). Cultural Anthropology: A problem based approach. Toronto, ON: Nelson Education Ltd. [38] Salzmann, Zdeněk. (1993) Language, culture, and society: an introduction to linguistic anthropology. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. [39] Robert Layton. (1981) The Anthropology of Art. [40] Deborah Spitulnik. (1993) 'Anthropology and Mass Media', Annual Review of Anthropology, 22: 293-315 [41] Lila Abu-Lughod. (1997) 'The Interpretation of Cultures after Television', Representations, 59: 109-133 [42] Hann, Chris; Keith Hart (2011). Economic Anthropology. Cambridge: Polity Press. pp. 55–71. [43] Roseberry, William (1988). “Political Economy”. Annual Review of Anthropology 17: 161–85. doi:10.1146/annurev.an.17.100188.001113. [44] Kedia, Satish, and Willigen J. Van (2005). Applied Anthropology: Domains of Application. Westport, Conn: Praeger. pp. 16, 150. [45] McElroy, A (1996). “Medical Anthropology”. In D. Levinson & M. Ember. Encyclopedia of Cultural Anthropology (PDF) [46] D'Andrade, R. G. (1995). The development of cognitive anthropology. New York, Cambridge University Press. [47] Schwartz, T., G. M. White, et al., Eds. (1992). New Directions in Psychological Anthropology. Cambridge, UK, Cambridge University Press. [48] D'Andrade (1995) [49] Greenhouse, Carol J. (1986). Praying for Justice: Faith, Order, and Community in an American Town. Ithaca: Cornell UP. p. 28.

[31] Geertz, Behar, Clifford & James

[50] Hent de Vries and Lawrence E. Sullivan, ed. (2006). Political theologies: public religions in a post-secular world. New York: Fordham University Press.

[32] Tim Ingold (1994). “GENERAL INTRODUCTION”. In Tim Ingold. Companion Encyclopedia of Anthropology. pp. xv.

[51] Dumit, Joseph. Davis-Floyd, Robbie. Cyborg Anthropology. Routledge International Encyclopedia of Women, 2001

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[52] “Techno-Anthropology course guide”. Aalborg University. Retrieved 14 March 2013.

[72] Asad, Talal, ed. (1973) Anthropology & the Colonial Encounter. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press.

[53] Knorr, Alexander (August 2011). Cyberanthropology. Peter Hammer Verlag Gmbh. ISBN 978-3-7795-0359-0. Retrieved 14 March 2013.

[73] van Breman, Jan, and Akitoshi Shimizu (1999) Anthropology and Colonialism in Asia and Oceania. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press.

[54] Weber, Gerhard & Bookstein, Fred (2011). Virtual Anthropology: A guide to a new interdisciplinary field. Springer. ISBN 978-3-211-48647-4.

[74] Gellner, Ernest (1992) Postmodernism, Reason, and Religion. London/New York: Routledge. Pp: 26-29.

[55] Kottak, Conrad Phillip (2010). Anthropology : appreciating human diversity (14th ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill. pp. 579–584. ISBN 978-0-07-811699-5. [56] Townsend, Patricia K. (2009). Environmental anthropology : from pigs to policies (2nd ed.). Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland Press. p. 104. ISBN 978-1-57766-581-6. [57] Kottak, Conrad P. (1999). “The New Ecological Anthropology”. American Anthropologist 101: 23. doi:10.1525/aa.1999.101.1.23. JSTOR 683339.

[75] Levi-Strauss, Claude. The Savage Mind. 1962; Womack, Mari. Being Human. 2001. [76] Harris, Marvin. Cows, Pigs, Wars, and Witches. [77] Timeshighereducation.co.uk [78] “Statement on “Race"". American Anthropological Association. May 1998.

[59] Melissa Checker (August 2005). Polluted promises: environmental racism and the search for justice in a southern town. NYU Press. ISBN 978-0-8147-1657-1. Retrieved 3 April 2011.

[79] Sciencemag.org, Shanklin, Eugenia. 1994. Anthropology & Race; Faye V. Harrison. 1995. “The Persistent Power of 'Race' in the Cultural and Political Economy of Racism.” Annual Review of Anthropology. 24:47-74. Allan Goodman. 1995. “The Problematics of “Race” in Contemporary Biological Anthropology.” In Biological Anthropology: The State of the Science.; Yearbook of Physical Anthropology, 1945-. “Melanin, Afrocentricity ... ,” 36(1993):33-58.; see Stanford’s recent collection of overarching bibliographies on race and racism, Library.stanford.edu

[60] Axtell, J. (1979). “Ethnohistory: An Historian’s Viewpoint”. Ethnohistory 26 (1): 3–4. doi:10.2307/481465.

[80] Horowitz, Lewis ed.(1967) The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot.

[61] Cassirer, Ernst (1944) An Essay On Man, pt.II, ch.7 Myth and Religion, pp. 122–3.

[81] Christian Science Monitor

[58] Pyke, G H (1984). “Optimal Foraging Theory: A Critical Review”. Annual Review of Ecology and Systematics 15: 523. doi:10.1146/annurev.es.15.110184.002515.

[62] Guthrie (2000) pp. 225–6 [63] Hannerz, Ulf (1980). Exploring the City: Inquiries Toward an Urban Anthropology, p.1 [64] Griffiths, Michael. B., Flemming Christiansen, and Malcolm Chapman. (2010) 'Chinese Consumers: The Romantic Reappraisal'. Ethnography, Sept 2010, 11, 331357. [65] Mills, Daniel S. “Anthrozoology”, The Encyclopedia of Applied Animal Behaviour and Welfare. CABI 2010, pp. 28–30. [66] DeMello, Margo. Teaching the Animal: Human–Animal Studies Across the Disciplines. Lantern Books, 2010, p. xi. [67] Animals & Society Institute, accessed 23 February 2011. [68] Goodman, Alan H.; Thomas L. Leatherman (eds.) (1998). Building A New Biocultural Synthesis. University of Michigan Press. ISBN 978-0-472-06606-3. [69] AAAnet.org [70] AAAnet.org [71] Johanson, Donald and Kate Wong. Lucy’s Legacy. Kindle Books. 2007; Netti, Bruno. The Study of Ethnomusicology. University of Illinois Press, 2005. Chapter One

[82] “The Human Terrain System: A CORDS for the 21st Century”. Archived from the original on 21 January 2014. [83] “AAA Commission Releases Final Report on Army Human Terrain System” American Anthropological Association [84] Rosaldo, Renato. Culture and Truth: The remaking of social analysis. Beacon Press. 1993; Inda, John Xavier and Renato Rosaldo. The Anthropology of Globalization. Wiley-Blackwell. 2007 [85] Robert Jurmain, Lynn Kilgore, Wenda Trevathan, and Russell L. Ciochon. Introduction to Physical Anthropology. 11th Edition. Wadsworth. 2007, chapters I, III and IV.; Wompack, Mari. Being Human. Prentice Hall. 2001, pp. 11–20. [86] Brown, Donald. Human Universals. McGraw Hill. 1991; Roughley, Neil. Being Humans: Anthropological Universality and Particularity in Transciplinary Perspectives. Walter de Gruyter Publishing. 2000 [87] Erickson, Paul A. and Liam D. Murphy. A History of Anthropological Theory. Broadview Press. 2003. p. 11–12 [88] George Stocking, “Paradigmatic Traditions in the History of Anthropology.” In George Stocking, The Ethnographer’s Magic and Other Essays in the History of Anthropology (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1992):342-361.

1.1. ANTHROPOLOGY

[89] Leaf, Murray. Man, Mind and Science: A History of Anthropology. Columbia University Press. 1979 [90] See the many essays relating to this in Prem Poddar and David Johnson, Historical Companion to Postcolonial Thought in English, Edinburgh University Press, 2004. See also Prem Poddar et al., Historical Companion to Postcolonial Literatures--Continental Europe and its Empires, Edinburgh University Press, 2008 [91] Ulf Hannerz (1980) “Exploring the City: Inquiries Toward an Urban Anthropology”, ISBN 0-231-08376-9, p. 1 [92] Lewis, Herbert S. (1998) The Misrepresentation of Anthropology and its Consequences American Anthropologist “100:" 716-731 [93] Jack Goody (2007) The Theft of History Cambridge University Press ISBN 0-521-87069-0 [94]

• Abélès, Marc. “How the Anthropology of Has Changed Anthropology in : Assessing New Directions in the Field”. Cultural Anthropology 1999: 407. JSTOR 08867356.

[95] Fischer, Michael M. J. Emergent Forms of Life and the Anthropological Voice. Duke University Press, 2003. Don Morrell JR.

1.1.11

Further reading

Main article: Bibliography of anthropology

Dictionaries and encyclopedias

15 • Geertz, Clifford (1995). After the fact: two countries, four decades, one anthropologist. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. • Lévi-Strauss, Claude (1967). Tristes tropiques. Translated from the French by John Russell. New York: Atheneum. • Malinowski, Bronisław (1967). A diary in the strict sense of the term. Translated by Norbert Guterman. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World. • Mead, Margaret (1972). Blackberry winter: my earlier years. New York: William Marrow. • —— (1977). Letters from the field, 1925–1975. New York: Harper & Row. • Rabinow, Paul (1977). Reflections on fieldwork in Morocco. Quantum Books. Berkeley: University of California Press. Histories • Asad, Talal, ed. (1973). Anthropology & the Colonial Encounter. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press. • Barth, Fredrik; Gingrich, Andre; Parkin, Robert (2005). One Discipline, Four Ways: British, German, French, and American anthropology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. • D'Andrade, R. (1999). “The Sad Story of Anthropology: 1950–1999”. In Cerroni-Long, E. L. Anthropological Theory in North America. Westport: Berin & Garvey.

• Barnard, Alan; Spencer, Jonathan, eds. (2010). The Routledge Encyclopedia of Social and Cultural Anthropology. London: Routledge.

• Darnell, Regna. (2001). Invisible Genealogies: A History of Americanist Anthropology. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press.

• Barfield, Thomas (1997). The dictionary of anthropology. Hoboken: Wiley-Blackwell Publishing..

• Gisi, Lucas Marco (2007). Einbildungskraft und Mythologie. Die Verschränkung von Anthropologie und Geschichte im 18. Jahrhundert. Berlin; New York: de Gruyter.

• Jackson, John L. (2013). Oxford Bibliographies: Anthropology. Oxford: Oxford University Press. • Levinson, David; Ember, Melvin, eds. (1996). Encyclopedia of Cultural Anthropology. Volumes 1-4. New York: Henry Holt. • Rapport, Nigel; Overing, Joanna (2007). Social and Cultural Anthropology: The Key Concepts. New York: Routledge. Fieldnotes and memoirs • Barley, Nigel (1983). The innocent anthropologist: notes from a mud hut. London: British Museum Publications.

• Harris, Marvin. (2001) [1968]. The rise of anthropological theory: a history of theories of culture. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press. • Hunt, James (1863). “Introductory Address on the Study of Anthropology”. The Anthropological Review (London: Trübner & Co.) I. • Kehoe, Alice B. (1998). The Land of Prehistory: A Critical History of American Archaeology. New York; London: Routledge. • Lewis, H. S. (1998). “The Misrepresentation of Anthropology and Its Consequences”. American Anthropologist 100 (3): 716–731. doi:10.1525/aa.1998.100.3.716.

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• —— (2004). “Imagining Anthropology’s History”. 1.1.12 External links Reviews in Anthropology. v. 33. • Haller, Dieter. “Interviews with German Anthro• —— (2005). “Anthropology, the Cold War, and pologists: Video Portal for the History of GerIntellectual History”. In Darnell, R.; Gleach, F.W. man Anthropology post 1945”. Ruhr-Universität Histories of Anthropology Annual, Vol. I. Bochum. Retrieved 22 March 2015. • Pels, Peter; Salemink, Oscar, eds. (2000). Colonial Subjects: Essays on the Practical History of Anthropology. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. • Price, David (2004). Threatening Anthropology: McCarthyism and the FBI’s Surveillance of Activist Anthropologists. Durham: Duke University Press.. • Sera-Shriar, Efram (2013). The Making of British Anthropology, 1813–1871. Science and Culture in the Nineteenth Century, 18. London; Vermont: Pickering and Chatto. • Schiller, Francis (1979). Paul Broca, Founder of French Anthropology, Explorer of the Brain. Berkeley: University of California Press. • Stocking, George, Jr. (1968). Race, Culture and Evolution. New York: Free Press. • Trencher, Susan (2000). Mirrored Images: American Anthropology and American Culture, 1960– 1980. Westport, Conn.: Bergin & Garvey. • Wolf, Eric (1982). Europe and the People Without History. Berkeley; Los Angeles: California University Press. Textbooks and key theoretical works • Clifford, James; Marcus, George E. (1986). Writing culture: the poetics and politics of ethnography. Berkeley: University of California Press. • Geertz, Clifford (1973). The Interpretation of Cultures. New York: Basic Books. • Harris, Marvin (1997). Culture, People, Nature: An Introduction to General Anthropology (7th ed.). Boston: Allyn & Bacon. • Salzmann, Zdeněk (1993). Language, culture, and society: an introduction to linguistic anthropology. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. • Shweder, Richard A.; LeVine, Robert A., eds. (1984). Culture Theory: essays on mind, self, and emotion. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. • Waitz, Theodor (1863). Introduction to Anthropology. Translated by J. Frederick Collingwood for the Anthropological Society of London. London: Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts.

• “AAANet Home”. American Anthropological Association. 2010. • “Home”. European Association of Social Anthropologists. 2015. • Hagen, Ed (2015). “AAPA”. American Association of Physical Anthropologists. • “Home”. Australian Anthropological Society. Retrieved 23 March 2015. • “AIBR, Revista de Antropología Iberoamericana” (in Spanish). Antropólogos Iberoamericanos en Red. Retrieved 24 March 2015. • “Home”. Human Relations Area Files. Retrieved 24 March 2015. • “Home”. National Association for the Practice of Anthropology. Retrieved 24 March 2015. • “About”. Radical Anthropology Group. Retrieved 24 March 2015. • “Home”. Royal Anthropological Institute. trieved 24 March 2015.

Re-

• “Home”. The Society for Applied Anthropology. Retrieved 24 March 2015. • “Anthropology”. American Museum of Natural History. Retrieved 25 March 2015. • “Department of Anthropology”. Smithsonian National Museum of Natural History. Retrieved 25 March 2015. • “AIO Home”. Anthropological Index Online. Royal Anthropological Institute. Retrieved 25 March 2015.

Chapter 2

ing articles 2.1 History of anthropology

The lack of any ancient denotation of anthropology, however, is not an etymological problem. Liddell and Scott list 170 Greek compounds ending in –logia, enough to justify its later use as a productive suffix.[6] The ancient Greeks often used suffixes in forming compounds that had no independent variant.[7] The etymological dictionaries are united in attributing –logia to logos, from legein, “to collect.” The thing collected is primarily ideas, especially in speech. The American Heritage Dictionary says:[8] “(It is one of) derivatives independently built to logos.” Its morphological type is that of an abstract noun: log-os > log-ia (a “qualitative abstract”)[9]

History of anthropology in this article refers primarily to the 18th- and 19th-century precursors of modern anthropology. The term anthropology itself, innovated as a New Latin scientific word during the Renaissance, has always meant “the study (or science) of man.” The topics to be included and the terminology have varied historically. At present they are more elaborate than they were during the development of anthropology. For a presentation of modern social and cultural anthropology as they have developed in Britain, , and North America since approximately 1900, see the relevant sections un- The Renaissance origin of the name of anthropology does der Anthropology. not exclude the possibility that ancient authors presented anthropogical materal under another name (see below). Such an identification is speculative, depending on the theorist’s view of anthropology; nevertheless, specula2.1.1 Etymology tions have been formulated by credible anthropologists, especially those that consider themselves functionalists The term anthropology ostensibly is a produced comand others in history so classified now. pound of Greek ἄνθρωπος anthrōpos, “human being” (understood to mean “humankind” or “humanity”), and a supposed -λογία -logia, “study.”[1] The compound, however, is unknown in ancient Greek or Latin, whether 2.1.2 The science of history classiical or mediaeval. It first appears sporadically in the scholarly Latin anthropologia of Renaissance , Marvin Harris, a historian of anthropology, begins The where it spawns the French word anthropologie, trans- Rise of Anthropological Theory with the statement that ferred into English as anthropology. It does belong to anthropology is “the science of history.”[10] He is not suga class of words produced with the -logy suffix, such as gesting that history be renamed to anthropology, or that archeo-logy, bio-logy, etc., “the study (or science) of.” there is no distinction between history and prehistory, or The mixed character of Greek anthropos and Latin -logia that anthropology excludes current social practices, as the marks it as New Latin.[2] There is no independent noun, general meaning of history, which it has in “history of logia, however, of that meaning in classical Greek. The anthroplogy,” would seem to imply. He is using “hisas the founders of cultural anword λόγος (logos) has that meaning.[3] James Hunt at- tory” in a special sense, [11] used it: “the natural history of society,” in thropology tempted to rescue the etymology in his first address to [12] the words of Herbert Spencer, or the “universal histhe Anthropological Society of London as president and tory of mankind”, the 18th-century Age of Enlightenfounder, 1863. He did find an anthropologos from Aris[10] objective. Just as natural history comprises the ment totle in the standard ancient Greek Lexicon, which he [4] characteristics of organisms past and present, so cultural says defines the word as “speaking or treating of man.” This view is entirely wishful thinking, as Liddell and Scott or social history comprises the characteristics of society go on to explain the meaning: “i.e. fond of personal past and present. It includes both documented history and conversation.”[5] If Aristotle, the very philosopher of the and prehistory, but its slant is toward institutional devellogos, could produce such a word without serious intent, opment rather than particular non-repeatable historical there probably was at that time no anthropology identifi- events. able under that name.

According to Harris, the 19th-century anthropologists 17

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were theorizing under the presumption that the development of society followed some sort of laws. He decries the loss of that view in the 20th century by the denial that any laws are discernable or that current institutions have any bearing on ancient. He coins the term ideographic for them. The 19th-century views, on the other hand, are nomothetic; that is, they provide laws. He intends “to reassert the methodological priority of the search for the laws of history in the science of man.” [13] He is looking for “a general theory of history.” [14] His perception of the laws: “I believe that the analogue of the Darwinian strategy in the realm of sociocultural phenomena is the principle of techno-environmental and techno-economic determinism,” he calls cultural materialism, which he also details in Cultural Materialism: The Struggle for a Science of Culture.

the insertion of culture as the effect. Different material factors produce different cultures.

Elsewhere he refers to “my theories of historical determinism,” defining the latter: “By a deterministic relationship among cultural phenomena, I mean merely that similar variables under similar conditions tend to give rise to similar consequences.”[15] The use of “tends to” implies some degree of freedom to happen or not happen, but in strict determinism, given certain causes, the result and only that result must occur. Different philosophers, however, use determinism in different senses. The deterministic element that Harris sees is lack of human social engineering: “free will and moral choice have had virtually no significant effect upon the direction taken thus far by evolving systems of social life.” [16]

2.1.3 Proto-anthropology

Harris agrees with the 19th-century view that laws are abstractions from empirical evidence: “...sociocultural entities are constructed from the direct or indirect observation of the behavior and thought of specific individuals ....”[17] Institutions are not a physical reality; only people are. When they act in society, they do so according to the laws of history, of which they are not aware; hence, there is no historical element of free will. Like the 20thcentury anthropologists in general, Harris places a high value on the empiricism, or collection of data. This function must be performed by trained observers.

Classical Age

He borrows from linguistics: just as a phon-etic system is a description of sounds developed without regard to the meaning and structure of the language, while a phon-emic system describes the meaningful sounds actually used within the language, so anthropological data can be emic and etic. Only trained observers can avoid eticism, or description without regard to the meaning in the culture: “... etics are in part observers’ emics incorrectly applied to a foreign system ....”[18] He makes a further distinction between synchronic and diachronic.[19] Synchronic (“same time”) with reference to anthropological data is contemporaneous and cross-cultural. Diachronic (“through time”) data shows the development of lines through time. Cultural materialism, being a “processually holistic and globally comparative scientific research strategy” must depend for accuracy on all four types of data.[20] Cultural materialism differs from the others by

Harris, like many other anthropologists, in looking for anthropological method and data before the use of the term anthropology, had little difficulty finding them among the ancient authors. The ancients tended to see players on the stage of history as ethnic groups characterized by the same or similar languages and customs: the Persians, the Germans, the Scythians, etc. Thus the term history meant to a large degree the “story” of the fortunes of these players through time. The ancient authors never formulated laws. Apart from a rudimentary three-age system, the stages of history, such as are found in Lubbock, Tylor, Morgan, Marx and others, are yet unformulated.

Eriksen and Nielsen use the term proto-anthropology to refer to near-anthropological writings, which contain some of the criteria for being anthropology, but not all. They classify proto-anthropology as being “travel writing or social philosophy,” going on to assert “It is only when these aspects ... are fused, that is, when data and theory are brought together, that anthropology appears.”[21] This process began to occur in the 18th century of the Age of Enlightenment.

Many anthropological writers find anthropologicalquality theorizing in the works of Classical Greece and Classical Rome; for example, John Myres in Herodotus and Anthropology (1908); E. E. Sikes in The Anthropology of the Greeks (1914); Clyde Kluckhohn in Anthropology and the Classics (1961), and many others.[22] An equally long list may be found in French and German as well as other languages.

Herodotus Herodotus was a 5th-century BC Greek historian who set about to chronicle and explain the Greco-Persian Wars that transpired early in that century. He did so in a surviving work conventionally termed the History or the Histories His first line begins: “These are the researches of Herodotus of Halicarnassus ....” The Achaemenid Empire, deciding to bring Greece into its domain, conducted a massive invasion across the Bosphorus using multi-cultural troops raised from many different locations. They were decisively defeated by the Greek city-states. Herodotus was far from interested in only the non-repeatable events. He provides ethnic details and histories of the peoples within the empire and to the north of it, in most cases being the first to do so. His methods were reading s, interviewing witnesses, and in some cases taking notes for himself.

2.1. HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGY

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These “researches” have been considered anthropological since at least as early as the late 19th century. The title, “Father of History,” (pater historiae) had been conferred on him probably by Cicero.[23] Pointing out that John Myres in 1908 had believed that Herodotus was an anthropologist on a par with those of his own day, James M. Redfield asserts: “Herodotus, as we know, was both Father of History and Father of Anthropology.”[24] Herodotus calls his method of travelling around taking notes “theorizing.” Redfield translates it as “tourism” with a scientific intent. He identifies three of Herodotus as overlapping on culture: diaitia, material goods such as houses and consumables; ethea, the mores or customs; and nomoi, the authoritative precedents or laws. Tacitus The Roman historian, Tacitus, wrote many of our only surviving contemporary s of several ancient Celtic and Germanic peoples. Middle Ages

Table of natural history, 1728 Cyclopaedia

toms, and religions of the Indian subcontinent. According to Akbar S. Ahmed, like modern anthropologists, he engaged in extensive participant observation with a given group of people, learnt their language and studied their primary texts, and presented his findings with objectivity and neutrality using cross-cultural comparisons.[25] Others argue, however, that he hardly can be considered an anthropologist in the conventional sense.[26] He wrote detailed comparative studies on the religions and cultures in the Middle East, Mediterranean, and especially South Asia.[27][28] Biruni’s tradition of comparative cross-cultural study continued in the Muslim world through to Ibn Khaldun's work in the fourteenth century.[25][29]

Cannibalism among “the savages” in Brazil, as described and pictured by André Thévet

Another candidate for one of the first scholars to carry out comparative ethnographic-type studies in person was the medieval Persian scholar Abū Rayhān Bīrūnī in the eleventh century, who wrote about the peoples, cus-

Medieval scholars may be considered forerunners of modern anthropology as well, insofar as they conducted or wrote detailed studies of the customs of peoples considered “different” from themselves in of geography. John of Plano Carpini reported of his stay among the Mongols. His report was unusual in its detailed depiction of a non-European culture.[30] Marco Polo's systematic observations of nature, anthropology, and geography are another example of studying human variation across space.[31] Polo’s travels took him across such a diverse human landscape and his s

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of the peoples he met as he journeyed were so detailed of European colonies was not unlike studying the flora that they earned for Polo the name “the father of modern and fauna of those places. anthropology.”[32] Early anthropology was divided between proponents of unilinealism, who argued that all societies ed through a single evolutionary process, from the most primiRenaissance tive to the most advanced, and various forms of nonwho tended to subscribe to ideas such The first use of the term “anthropology” in English to re- lineal theorists, [37] as diffusionism. Most nineteenth-century social theofer to a natural science of humanity was apparently in rists, including anthropologists, viewed non-European so[33] 1593, the first of the "logies" to be coined. cieties as windows onto the pre-industrial human past.

2.1.4

The Enlightenment roots of the dis2.1.5 Overview of the modern discipline cipline

Marxist anthropologist Eric Wolf once characterized anthropology as “the most scientific of the humanities, and the most humanistic of the social sciences.” Understanding how anthropology developed contributes to understanding how it fits into other academic disciplines. Scholarly traditions of jurisprudence, history, philology and sociology developed during this time and informed the development of the social sciences of which anthropology was a part. At the same time, the Romantic reaction to the Enlightenment produced thinkers such as Herder and later Wilhelm Dilthey whose work formed the basis for the culture concept which is central to the Many scholars consider modern anthropology as an out- discipline. growth of the Age of Enlightenment, a period when EuThese intellectual movements in part grappled with one ropeans attempted to study human behavior systematiof the greatest paradoxes of modernity: as the world is becally, the known varieties of which had been increasing coming smaller and more integrated, people’s experience since the fifteenth century as a result of the first Euroof the world is increasingly atomized and dispersed. As pean colonization wave. The traditions of jurisprudence, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels observed in the 1840s: history, philology, and sociology then evolved into something more closely resembling the modern views of these All old-established national industries have disciplines and informed the development of the social been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. sciences, of which anthropology was a part. They are dislodged by new industries, whose Developments in the systematic study of ancient civilizaintroduction becomes a life and death question tions through the disciplines of Classics and Egyptology for all civilized nations, by industries that no informed both archaeology and eventually social anthrolonger work up indigenous raw material but pology, as did the study of East and South Asian lanraw material drawn from the remotest zones; guages and cultures. At the same time, the Romantic reindustries whose products are consumed, not action to the Enlightenment produced thinkers, such as only at home, but in every quarter of the Johann Gottfried Herder[36] and later Wilhelm Dilthey, globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied whose work formed the basis for the “culture concept,” by the production of the country, we find which is central to the discipline. new wants, requiring for their satisfaction Institutionally, anthropology emerged from the developthe products of distant lands and climes. In ment of natural history (expounded by authors such as place of the old local and national seclusion Buffon) that occurred during the European colonization and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in of the seventeenth, eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth every direction, universal interdependence of centuries. Programs of ethnographic study originated in nations. this era as the study of the “human primitives” overseen by colonial istrations. It took Immanuel Kant 25 years to write one of the first major treatises on anthropology, his Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point of View.[34] Kant is not generally considered to be a modern anthropologist, however, as he never left his region of nor did he study any cultures besides his own, and in fact, describes the need for anthropology as a corollary field to his own primary field of philosophy.[35] He did, however, begin teaching an annual course in anthropology in 1772. Anthropology is thus primarily an Enlightenment and post-Enlightenment endeavor.

There was a tendency in late eighteenth century Enlightenment thought to understand human society as natural phenomena that behaved according to certain principles and that could be observed empirically. In some ways, studying the language, culture, physiology, and artifacts

Ironically, this universal interdependence, rather than leading to greater human solidarity, has coincided with increasing racial, ethnic, religious, and class divisions, and new – and to some confusing or disturbing – cultural expressions. These are the conditions of life with which

2.1. HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGY

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people today must contend, but they have their origins in Britain processes that began in the 16th century and accelerated Museums such as the British Museum weren't the only in the 19th century. site of anthropological studies: with the New Imperialism Institutionally anthropology emerged from natural hisperiod, starting in the 1870s, zoos became unattended tory (expounded by authors such as Buffon). This was “laboratories”, especially the so-called “ethnological exthe study of human beings - typically people living in hibitions” or “Negro villages”. Thus, “savages” from the European colonies. Thus studying the language, culcolonies were displayed, often nudes, in cages, in what ture, physiology, and artifacts of European colonies was has been called "human zoos". For example, in 1906, more or less equivalent to studying the flora and fauna Congolese pygmy Ota Benga was put by anthropologist of those places. It was for this reason, for instance, that Madison Grant in a cage in the Bronx Zoo, labelled “the Lewis Henry Morgan could write monographs on both missing link” between an orangutan and the “white race” The League of the Iroquois and The American Beaver – Grant, a renowned eugenicist, was also the author of and His Works. This is also why the material culture of The ing of the Great Race (1916). Such exhibitions 'civilized' nations such as China have historically been were attempts to illustrate and prove in the same movedisplayed in fine arts museums alongside European art ment the validity of scientific racism, which first formuwhile artifacts from Africa or Native North American lation may be found in Arthur de Gobineau's An Essay on cultures were displayed in Natural History Museums with the Inequality of Human Races (1853–55). In 1931, the dinosaur bones and nature dioramas. Curatorial practice Colonial Exhibition in Paris still displayed Kanaks from has changed dramatically in recent years, and it would be New Caledonia in the “indigenous village"; it received wrong to see anthropology as merely an extension of colo24 million visitors in six months, thus demonstrating the nial rule and European chauvinism, since its relationship popularity of such “human zoos”. to imperialism was and is complex. Anthropology grew increasingly distinct from natural hisDrawing on the methods of the natural sciences as well as tory and by the end of the nineteenth century the discideveloping new techniques involving not only structured pline began to crystallize into its modern form - by 1935, interviews but unstructured “participant-observation” – for example, it was possible for T.K. Penniman to write and drawing on the new theory of evolution through a history of the discipline entitled A Hundred Years of natural selection, they proposed the scientific study of a Anthropology. At the time, the field was dominated by new object: “humankind,” conceived of as a whole. Cru'the comparative method'. It was assumed that all socicial to this study is the concept “culture,” which anthroeties ed through a single evolutionary process from pologists defined both as a universal capacity and propenthe most primitive to most advanced. Non-European sosity for social learning, thinking, and acting (which they cieties were thus seen as evolutionary 'living fossils’ that see as a product of human evolution and something that could be studied in order to understand the European distinguishes Homo sapiens – and perhaps all species of past. Scholars wrote histories of prehistoric migrations genus Homo – from other species), and as a particular which were sometimes valuable but often also fanciful. adaptation to local conditions that takes the form of highly It was during this time that Europeans first accurately variable beliefs and practices. Thus, “culture” not only traced Polynesian migrations across the Pacific Ocean for transcends the opposition between nature and nurture; it instance - although some of them believed it originated in transcends and absorbs the peculiarly European distincEgypt. Finally, the concept of race was actively discussed tion between politics, religion, kinship, and the econas a way to classify - and rank - human beings based on omy as autonomous domains. Anthropology thus trandifference. scends the divisions between the natural sciences, social sciences, and humanities to explore the biological, linguistic, material, and symbolic dimensions of humankind E.B. Tylor and James Frazer E. B. Tylor (2 Octoin all forms. ber 1832 – 2 January 1917) and James George Frazer

2.1.6

National Anthropological Traditions

As academic disciplines began to differentiate over the course of the nineteenth century, anthropology grew increasingly distinct from the biological approach of natural history, on the one hand, and from purely historical or literary fields such as Classics, on the other. A common criticism was that many social sciences (such as economists, sociologists, and psychologists) in Western countries focused disproportionately on Western subjects, while anthropology focuseed disproportionately on the “other”.[38]

(1 January 1854 – 7 May 1941) are generally considered the antecedents to modern social anthropology in Britain. Although Tylor undertook a field trip to Mexico, both he and Frazer derived most of the material for their comparative studies through extensive reading, not fieldwork, mainly the Classics (literature and history of Greece and Rome), the work of the early European folklorists, and reports from missionaries, travelers, and contemporaneous ethnologists. Tylor advocated strongly for unilinealism and a form of “uniformity of mankind”.[39] Tylor in particular laid the groundwork for theories of cultural diffusionism, stating that there are three ways that different groups can have

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CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES Bronislaw Malinowski and the British School Toward the turn of the twentieth century, a number of anthropologists became dissatisfied with this categorization of cultural elements; historical reconstructions also came to seem increasingly speculative to them. Under the influence of several younger scholars, a new approach came to predominate among British anthropologists, concerned with analyzing how societies held together in the present (synchronic analysis, rather than diachronic or historical analysis), and emphasizing long-term (one to several years) immersion fieldwork. Cambridge University financed a multidisciplinary expedition to the Torres Strait Islands in 1898, organized by Alfred Cort Haddon and including a physician-anthropologist, William Rivers, as well as a linguist, a botanist, and other specialists. The findings of the expedition set new standards for ethnographic description.

E. B. Tylor, nineteenth-century British anthropologist

similar cultural forms or technologies: “independent invention, inheritance from ancestors in a distant region, transmission from one race [sic] to another.”[40] Tylor formulated one of the early and influential anthropological conceptions of culture as “that complex whole, which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by [humans] as [] of society.”[41] However, as Stocking notes, Tylor mainly concerned himself with describing and mapping the distribution of particular elements of culture, rather than with the larger function, and he generally seemed to assume a Victorian idea of progress rather than the idea of non-directional, multilineal cultural development proposed by later anthropologists.

A decade and a half later, the Polish anthropology student, Bronisław Malinowski (1884–1942), was beginning what he expected to be a brief period of fieldwork in the old model, collecting lists of cultural items, when the outbreak of the First World War stranded him in New Guinea. As a subject of the Austro-Hungarian Empire resident on a British colonial possession, he was effectively confined to New Guinea for several years.[42] He made use of the time by undertaking far more intensive fieldwork than had been done by British anthropologists, and his classic ethnography, Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922) advocated an approach to fieldwork that became standard in the field: getting “the native’s point of view” through participant observation. Theoretically, he advocated a functionalist interpretation, which examined how social institutions functioned to satisfy individual needs. British social anthropology had an expansive moment in the Interwar period, with key contributions coming from the Polish-British Bronisław Malinowski and Meyer Fortes[43] A. R. Radcliffe-Brown also published a seminal work in 1922. He had carried out his initial fieldwork in the Andaman Islands in the old style of historical reconstruction. However, after reading the work of French sociologists Émile Durkheim and Marcel Mauss, RadcliffeBrown published an of his research (entitled simply The Andaman Islanders) that paid close attention to the meaning and purpose of rituals and myths. Over time, he developed an approach known as structural functionalism, which focused on how institutions in societies worked to balance out or create an equilibrium in the social system to keep it functioning harmoniously. (This contrasted with Malinowski’s functionalism, and was quite different from the later French structuralism, which examined the conceptual structures in language and symbolism.)

Tylor also theorized about the origins of religious beliefs in human beings, proposing a theory of animism as the earliest stage, and noting that “religion” has many components, of which he believed the most important to be belief in supernatural beings (as opposed to moral systems, cosmology, etc.). Frazer, a Scottish scholar with a broad knowledge of Classics, also concerned himself with religion, myth, and magic. His comparative studies, most influentially in the numerous editions of The Golden Bough, analyzed similarities in religious belief and symbolism globally. Neither Tylor nor Frazer, however, was particularly interested in fieldwork, nor were they interested in examining how the cultural elements and instituMalinowski and Radcliffe-Brown’s influence stemmed tions fit together. The Golden Bough was abridged drasfrom the fact that they, like Boas, actively trained stutically in subsequent editions after his first.

2.1. HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGY dents and aggressively built up institutions that furthered their programmatic ambitions. This was particularly the case with Radcliffe-Brown, who spread his agenda for “Social Anthropology” by teaching at universities across the British Commonwealth. From the late 1930s until the postwar period appeared a string of monographs and edited volumes that cemented the paradigm of British Social Anthropology (BSA). Famous ethnographies include The Nuer, by Edward Evan Evans-Pritchard, and The Dynamics of Clanship Among the Tallensi, by Meyer Fortes; well-known edited volumes include African Systems of Kinship and Marriage and African Political Systems.

23 editor at the Financial Times is one of the leaders in this use of anthropology. Canada

Canadian anthropology began, as in other parts of the Colonial world, as ethnological data in the records of travellers and missionaries. In Canada, Jesuit missionaries such as Fathers LeClercq, Le Jeune and Sagard, in the 17th century, provide the oldest ethnographic records of native tribes in what was then the Dominion of Canada. The academic discipline has drawn strongly on both the British Social Anthropology and the American CulPost WW II trends Max Gluckman, together with tural Anthropology traditions, producing a hybrid “Sociomany of his colleagues at the Rhodes-Livingstone Insti- cultural” anthropology. tute and students at Manchester University, collectively known as the Manchester School, took BSA in new directions through their introduction of explicitly Marxist- George Mercer Dawson True anthropology began informed theory, their emphasis on conflicts and conflict with a Government department: the Geological Survey of resolution, and their attention to the ways in which in- Canada, and George Mercer Dawson (director in 1895). dividuals negotiate and make use of the social structural Dawson’s for anthropology created impetus for the profession in Canada. This was expanded upon by possibilities. Prime Minister Wilfrid Laurier, who established a DiIn Britain, anthropology had a great intellectual impact, vision of Anthropology within the Geological Survey in it “contributed to the erosion of Christianity, the growth 1910. of cultural relativism, an awareness of the survival of the primitive in modern life, and the replacement of diachronic modes of analysis with synchronic, all of Edward Sapir Anthropologists were recruited from England and the USA, setting the foundation for the which are central to modern culture.”[44] unique Canadian style of anthropology. Scholars include Later in the 1960s and 1970s, Edmund Leach and his the linguist and Boasian Edward Sapir. students Mary Douglas and Nur Yalman, among others, introduced French structuralism in the style of LéviStrauss; while British anthropology has continued to em- phasize social organization and economics over purely symbolic or literary topics, differences among British, Anthropology in has a less clear genealogy than French, and American sociocultural anthropologies have the British and American traditions, in part because diminished with increasing dialogue and borrowing of many French writers influential in anthropology have both theory and methods. Today, social anthropology been trained or held faculty positions in sociology, phiin Britain engages internationally with many other social losophy, or other fields rather than in anthropology. theories and has branched in many directions. In countries of the British Commonwealth, social anthropology has often been institutionally separate from physical anthropology and primatology, which may be connected with departments of biology or zoology; and from archaeology, which may be connected with departments of Classics, Egyptology, and the like. In other countries (and in some, particularly smaller, British and North American universities), anthropologists have also found themselves institutionally linked with scholars of folklore, museum studies, human geography, sociology, social relations, ethnic studies, cultural studies, and social work.

Marcel Mauss Most commentators consider Marcel Mauss (1872–1950), nephew of the influential sociologist Émile Durkheim, to be the founder of the French anthropological tradition. Mauss belonged to Durkheim’s Année Sociologique group. While Durkheim and others examined the state of modern societies, Mauss and his collaborators (such as Henri Hubert and Robert Hertz) drew on ethnography and philology to analyze societies that were not as 'differentiated' as European nation states.

Two works by Mauss in particular proved to have enduring relevance: Essay on the Gift, a seminal analysis of Anthropology has been used in Britain to provide an alter- exchange and reciprocity, and his Huxley lecture on the of nonative explanation for the Financial crisis of 2007–2010 notion of the person, the first comparative study [45] tions of person and selfhood cross-culturally. to the technical explanations rooted in economic and political theory. Dr. Gillian Tett, a Cambridge University Throughout the interwar years, French interest in antrained anthropologist who went on to become a senior thropology often dovetailed with wider cultural move-

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CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES institution of authority as a separate function from society. The leader is only a spokesperson for the group when it has to deal with other groups (“international relations”) but has no inside authority, and may be violently removed if he attempts to abuse this position.[46] The most important French social theorist since Foucault and Lévi-Strauss is Pierre Bourdieu, who trained formally in philosophy and sociology and eventually held the Chair of Sociology at the Collège de . Like Mauss and others before him, he worked on topics both in sociology and anthropology. His fieldwork among the Kabyle of Algeria places him solidly in anthropology, while his analysis of the function and reproduction of fashion and cultural capital in European societies places him as solidly in sociology.

Blumenbach's five races. Émile Durkheim

United States ments such as surrealism and primitivism, which drew on ethnography for inspiration. Marcel Griaule and Michel From its beginnings in the early 19th century through the Leiris are examples of people who combined anthropol- early 20th century, anthropology in the United States was ogy with the French avant-garde. During this time most influenced by the presence of Native American societies. of what is known as ethnologie was restricted to museums, such as the Musée de l'Homme founded by Paul Rivet, and anthropology had a close relationship with studies of folklore. Claude Lévi-Strauss Above all, Claude LéviStrauss helped institutionalize anthropology in . Along with the enormous influence that his theory of structuralism exerted across multiple disciplines, Lévi-Strauss established ties with American and British anthropologists. At the same time, he established centers and laboratories within to provide an institutional context within anthropology, while training influential students such as Maurice Godelier and Françoise Héritier. They proved influential in the world of French anthropology. Much of the distinct character of ’s anthropology today is a result of the fact that most anthropology is carried out in nationally funded research laboratories (CNRS) rather than academic departments in universities Other influential writers in the 1970s include Pierre Clastres, who explains in his books on the Guayaki tribe in Paraguay that “primitive societies” actively oppose the institution of the state. These stateless societies are not less Franz Boas, one of the pioneers of modern anthropology, often evolved than societies with states, but chose to conjure the called the “Father of American Anthropology”

2.1. HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGY Cultural anthropology in the United States was influenced greatly by the ready availability of Native American societies as ethnographic subjects. The field was pioneered by staff of the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Smithsonian Institution’s Bureau of American Ethnology, men such as John Wesley Powell and Frank Hamilton Cushing. Late eighteenth century ethnology established the scientific foundation for the field, which began to mature in the United States during the presidency of Andrew Jackson (1829–1837). Jackson was responsible for implementing the Indian Removal Act, the coerced and forced removal of an estimated 100,000 American Indians during the 1830s to Indian Territory in present-day Oklahoma; for insuring that the franchise was extended to all white men, irrespective of financial means while denying virtually all black men the right to vote; and, for suppressing abolitionists’ efforts to end slavery while vigorously defending that institution. Finally, he was responsible for appointing Chief Justice Roger B. Taney who would decide, in Scott v. Sandford (1857), that Negroes were “beings of an inferior order, and altogether unfit to associate with the white race.. . and so far inferior that they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect.” As a result of this decision, black people, whether free or enslaved, could never become citizens of the United States. It was in this context that the so-called American School of Anthropology thrived as the champion of polygenism or the doctrine of multiple origins—sparking a debate between those influenced by the Bible who believed in the unity of humanity and those who argued from a scientific standpoint for the plurality of origins and the antiquity of distinct types. Like the monogenists, these theories were not monolithic and often used words like races, species, hybrid, and mongrel interchangeably. A scientific consensus began to emerge during this period “that there exists a Genus Homo, embracing many primordial types of ‘species’.” Charles Caldwell, Samuel George Morton, Samuel A. Cartwright, George Gliddon, Josiah C. Nott, and Louis Agassiz, and even South Carolina Governor James Henry Hammond were all influential proponents of this school. While some were disinterested scientists, others were ionate advocates who used science to promote slavery in a period of increasing sectional strife. All were complicit in establishing the putative science that justified slavery, informed the Dred Scott decision, underpinned miscegenation laws, and eventually fueled Jim Crow. Samuel G. Morton, for example, claimed to be just a scientist but he did not hesitate to provide evidence of Negro inferiority to John C. Calhoun, the prominent pro-slavery Secretary of State to help him negotiate the annexation of Texas as a slave state.

25 out quickly and by the end of the century it had undergone nine editions. Although many Southerners felt that all the justification for slavery they needed was found in the Bible, others used the new science to defend slavery and the repression of American Indians. Abolitionists, however, felt they had to take this science on its own . And for the first time, African American intellectuals waded into the contentious debate. In the immediate wake of Types of Mankind and during the pitched political battles that led to Civil War, Frederick Douglass (1818–1895), the statesman and persuasive abolitionist, directly attacked the leading theorists of the American School of Anthropology. In an 1854 address, entitled “The Claims of the Negro Ethnologically Considered,” Douglass argued that “by making the enslaved a character fit only for slavery, [slaveowners] excuse themselves for refusing to make the slave a freeman.... For let it be once granted that the human race are of multitudinous origin, naturally different in their moral, physical, and intellectual capacities... a chance is left for slavery, as a necessary institution.... There is no doubt that Messrs. Nott, Glidden, Morton, Smith and Agassiz were duly consulted by our slavery propagating statesmen.” (p. 287). Lewis Henry Morgan in the USA Lewis Henry Morgan (1818–1881), a lawyer from Rochester, New York, became an advocate for and ethnological scholar of the Iroquois. His comparative analyses of religion, government, material culture, and especially kinship patterns proved to be influential contributions to the field of anthropology. Like other scholars of his day (such as Edward Tylor), Morgan argued that human societies could be classified into categories of cultural evolution on a scale of progression that ranged from savagery, to barbarism, to civilization. Generally, Morgan used technology (such as bowmaking or pottery) as an indicator of position on this scale. Franz Boas Franz Boas established academic anthropology in the United States in opposition to this sort of evolutionary perspective. His approach was empirical, skeptical of overgeneralizations, and eschewed attempts to establish universal laws. For example, Boas studied immigrant children to demonstrate that biological race was not immutable, and that human conduct and behavior resulted from nurture, rather than nature.

Influenced by the German tradition, Boas argued that the world was full of distinct cultures, rather than societies whose evolution could be measured by how much or how little “civilization” they had. He believed that each The high-water mark of polygenic theories was Josiah culture has to be studied in its particularity, and argued Nott and Gliddon’s voluminous eight-hundred page tome that cross-cultural generalizations, like those made in the titled Types of Mankind, published in 1854. Reproduc- natural sciences, were not possible. ing the work of Louis Agassiz and Samuel Morton, the In doing so, he fought discrimination against immigrants, authors spread the virulent and explicitly racist views to blacks, and indigenous peoples of the Americas.[47] Many a wider, more popular audience. The first printing sold American anthropologists adopted his agenda for social

26 reform, and theories of race continue to be popular subjects for anthropologists today. The so-called “Four Field Approach” has its origins in Boasian Anthropology, dividing the discipline in the four crucial and interrelated fields of sociocultural, biological, linguistic, and archaic anthropology (e.g. archaeology). Anthropology in the United States continues to be deeply influenced by the Boasian tradition, especially its emphasis on culture.

CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES the American public, Mead and Benedict never had the impact on the discipline of anthropology that some expected. Boas had planned for Ruth Benedict to succeed him as chair of Columbia’s anthropology department, but she was sidelined by Ralph Linton, and Mead was limited to her offices at the AMNH.

Other countries Anthropology as it emerged amongst the Western colonial powers (mentioned above) has generally taken a different path than that in the countries of southern and central Europe (Italy, Greece, and the successors to the AustroHungarian and Ottoman empires). In the former, the encounter with multiple, distinct cultures, often very different in organization and language from those of Europe, has led to a continuing emphasis on cross-cultural comparison and a receptiveness to certain kinds of cultural relativism.[48] In the successor states of continental Europe, on the other hand, anthropologists often ed with folklorists and linguists in building cultural perspectives on nationalism. Ethnologists in these countries tended to focus on differentiating among local ethnolinguistic groups, documenting local folk culture, and representing the prehistory of what has become a nation through various forms of public education (e.g., museums of several kinds).[49] Ruth Benedict in 1937

In this scheme, Russia occupied a middle position. On the one hand, it had a large region (largely east of the Urals) of highly distinct, pre-industrial, often non-literate peoples, similar to the situation in the Americas. On the other hand, Russia also participated to some degree in the nationalist (cultural and political) movements of Central and Eastern Europe. After the Revolution of 1917, views expressed by anthropologists in the USSR, and later the Soviet Bloc countries, were highly shaped by the requirement to conform to Marxist theories of social evolution.[50]

Boas used his positions at Columbia University and the American Museum of Natural History to train and develop multiple generations of students. His first generation of students included Alfred Kroeber, Robert Lowie, Edward Sapir and Ruth Benedict, who each produced richly detailed studies of indigenous North American cultures. They provided a wealth of details used to attack the theory of a single evolutionary process. Kroeber and Sapir’s focus on Native American languages helped estab- In Greece, there was since the 19th century a science of lish linguistics as a truly general science and free it from the folklore called laographia (laography), in the form of its historical focus on Indo-European languages. “a science of the interior”, although theoretically weak; The publication of Alfred Kroeber's textbook, Anthro- but the connotation of the field deeply changed after pology, marked a turning point in American anthropol- World War II, when a wave of Anglo-American anthroogy. After three decades of amassing material, Boasians pologists introduced a science “of the outside”.[51] In felt a growing urge to generalize. This was most obvi- Italy, the development of ethnology and related studies ous in the 'Culture and Personality' studies carried out by did not receive as much attention as other branches of younger Boasians such as Margaret Mead and Ruth Bene- learning.[52] dict. Influenced by psychoanalytic psychologists includ- and Norway are the countries that showed the ing Sigmund Freud and Carl Jung, these authors sought most division and conflict between scholars focusing on to understand the way that individual personalities were domestic socio-cultural issues and scholars focusing on shaped by the wider cultural and social forces in which “other” societies.. Some German and Austrian scholars they grew up. have increased cultural anthropology as both legal anthroThough such works as Coming of Age in Samoa and pology regarding “other” societies and anthropology of The Chrysanthemum and the Sword remain popular with Western civilization.[53]

2.1. HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGY

2.1.7

20th-Century Developments

27

[21] Eriksen, Thomas Hylland; Nielsen, Finn Sivert (1013). A History of Anthropology (PDF). Anthropology, Culture and Society Series (2nd ed.). London: Pluto Press. pp. 10–12.

In the mid-20th century, American anthropology began to study its own history more systematically. In 1967 Marvin Harris published his The Rise of Anthropolog- [22] Smith, Jonathan Z. (1993). Map is Not Territory: Studical Theory, presenting argumentative examinations of ies in the History of Religions. Chicage: University of anthropology’s historical developments, and George W. Chicago Press. p. 245. Stocking, Jr., established the historicist school, examining the historical contexts of anthropological movements. [23] Hartog, François (1988). The mirror of Herodotus : the

2.1.8

See also

• Musée de l'Homme founded by Paul Rivet

2.1.9

References

[1] "-logy”. Online Etymological Dictionary. [2] "-logy”. Webster’s Third New International Dictionary Unabridged and Seven Language Dictionary. II H to R. Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc. 1986. [3] Liddell & Scott 1940, logos [4] Hunt 1863, p. 1 [5] Liddell & Scott 1940, anthropologos [6] Liddell & Scott 1940, logia [7] Buck 1933, p. 359 [8] “Appendix I: Indo-European Roots”. leg-. The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language (4th ed.). 2009. [9] Buck 1933, p. 347 [10] Harris 2001, p. 1 [11] There is currently some regional and traditional equivocation about whether it should be called culture history, as in cultural anthropology; i.e., Culture-historical archaeology, or social history, as in social anthropology, or the compromise, sociocultural anthropology. Different theorists have different practices, the distinctions being mainly verbal. [12] Harris 2001, p. 159 [13] Harris 2001, p. 2 [14] Harris 2001, p. 3 [15] Harris 1991, pp. xii-xiii [16] Harris 1991, p. xiv [17] Harris 1999, p. 52 [18] Harris 1999, p. 32 [19] Harris 2001, pp. 75-76 [20] Harris 1999, p. 141

representation of the other in the writing of history. New historicism, 5. Berkeley: University of California Press. p. 379.

[24] Redfield, James M. (1985). “Herodotus the Tourist” (PDF). Classical Philology 80: 97–118. [25] Ahmed, Akbar S. (1984). “Al-Beruni: The First Anthropologist”. RAIN 60 (60): 9–10. doi:10.2307/3033407. [26] Richard Tapper (1995). “Islamic Anthropology” and the “Anthropology of Islam”, Anthropological Quarterly 68 (3), Anthropological Analysis and Islamic Texts, p. 185193. [27] Walbridge, J. T. (1998). “Explaining Away the Greek Gods in Islam”. Journal of the History of Ideas 59 (3): 389–403. doi:10.1353/jhi.1998.0030. [28] Richard Tapper (1995). “Islamic Anthropology” and the “Anthropology of Islam”, Anthropological Quarterly 68 (3), Anthropological Analysis and Islamic Texts, p. 185193. [29] West Asian views on black Africans during the medieval era [30] Resources for a History of Anthropology [31] Marco Polo’s Asia [32] The Renaissance Foundations of Anthropology [33] Urbanowicz, Charles. In the Newsletter of the American Anthropological Association, reprinted online, Csuchico.edu [34] Foucault, Michel. “Introduction” to his 1961 translation of Kant’s work, reprinted, Generation-online.org [35] Jacobs, Brian, and Kain, Patrick (eds.), Essays on Kant’s Anthropology, Cambridge University Press, 2003, 278pp., ISBN 0-521-79038-7. [36] Votruba, Martin. “Herder on Language” (PDF). Slovak Studies Program. University of Pittsburgh. [37] Stocking, George W. (1968) Race, Culture, and Evolution: Essays in the history of anthropology. London: The Free Press. [38] Clifford, James and George E. Marcus (1986) Writing culture: the poetics and politics of ethnography. Berkeley: University of California Press. [39] Stocking, George Jr. (1963) “Matthew Arnold, E. B. Tylor, and the Uses of Invention,” American Anthropologist, 65:783-799, 1963

28

[40] Tylor, E. B. (1865) Researches into the early history of mankind the development of civilization. London: John Murray. [41] Tylor, E. B. (1871) Primitive culture: researches into the development of mythology, philosophy, religion, art, and custom. 2 vols. London, John Murray. [42] Malinowski, Bronisław (1967) A diary in the strict sense of the term. New York, Harcourt, Brace & World [1967] [43] Jack Goody (1995) The Expansive Moment: The Rise of Social Anthropology in Britain and Africa, 1918-1970 review at Links.jstor.org [44] Heyck, Thomas William (1997) at Links.jstor.org The American Historical Review, Vol. 102, No. 5 (December, 1997), pp. 1486–1488 doi:10.2307/2171126 [45] Mauss, Marcel (1938) “A category of the human mind: the notion of person; the notion of self.,” in M. Carrithers, S. Collins, and S. Lukes, eds. The Category of the Person: anthropology, philosophy, history. Pp. 1-25. Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University Press. Originally given as “Une categorie de l'Esprit Humain: La Notion de Personne, Celle de 'Moi',” for the Huxley Memorial Lecture and appeared in the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 68. [46] Bartholomew Dean “Critical Re-vision: Clastres’ Chronicle and the optic of primitivism”, 2002 In Best of Anthropology Today, 1974–2000, ed. J. Benthall, with a preface by M. Sahlins. London: Routledge. Amazon.com [47] Stocking, George W. (1968) Race, Culture, and Evolution: Essays in the history of anthropology. London: The Free Press. [48] On varieties of cultural relativism in anthropology, see Spiro, Melford E. (1987) “Some Reflections on Cultural Determinism and Relativism with Special Reference to Emotion and Reason,” in Culture and Human Nature: theoretical papers of Melford E. Spiro. Edited by B. Kilborne and L. L. Langness, pp. 32–58. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. [49] Gellner, Ernest. (1998) Language and solitude: Wittgenstein, Malinowski, and the Habsburg dilemma. New York: Cambridge University Press.

CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES

[53] Wolfgang Fikentscher: “Law and Anthropology: Outlines, Issues, and Suggestions”, Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, C.H. Beck 2009, ISBN 978-3-7696-0977-6; Axel Montenbruck: « Zivilisation. Eine Rechtsanthropologie. Staat und Mensch, Gewalt und Recht, Kultur und Natur », 2. Auflage, 2010. Universitätsbibliothek der Freien Universität Berlin, open access, http://edocs.fu-berlin.de/docs/ servlets/MCRFileNodeServlet/FUDOCS_derivate_ 000000001228/Zivilisation_2__Aufl__ORIGINAL_ 21_9.pdf?hosts=; Axel Montenbruck: « Western Anthropology: Democracy and Dehumanization ». 2nd edition 2010, Universitätsbibliothek der Freien Universität Berlin. open access, http://edocs.fu-berlin.de/docs/ servlets/MCRFileNodeServlet/FUDOCS_derivate_ 000000001194/Western_Anthropology,_2nd_ed.pdf? hosts=; Peter Sack, Carl P. Wellman, Mitsukuni Yasaki (Hrsg.): « Monismus oder Pluralismus der Rechtskulturen? Anthropologische und ethnologische Grundlagen traditioneller und moderner Rechtssysteme / Monistic or Pluralistic Legal Culture? Anthropological and Ethnological Foundations of Traditional and Modern Legal Systems ». Vorwort von / Preface by Ota Weinberger. 1991. ISBN 978-3-428-07193-7

2.1.10 Bibliography Main article: List of important publications in anthropology

Fieldnotes and memoirs of anthropologists • Barley, Nigel (1983). he innocent anthropologist: notes from a mud hut. London:: British Museum Publications. • Geertz, Clifford (1995). After the fact: two countries, four decades, one anthropologist. Cambridge, MA:: Harvard University Press..

[50] Gellner, Ernest, ed. (1980) Soviet and Western anthropology. New York: Columbia University Press.

• Lévi-Strauss, Claude (1967). Tristes tropiques. Translated from the French by John Russell. New York: Atheneum.

[51] Geneviève Zoïa, « L'anthropologie en Grèce », Terrain, Numéro 14—L'incroyable et ses preuves (mars 1990) , [En ligne], mis en ligne le 7 octobre 2005, Terrain.revues.org, Consulté le 15 juin 2007. (French)

• Malinowski, Bronislaw (1967). A diary in the strict sense of the term. Translated by Norbert Guterman. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World..

[52] Grottanelli, Vinigi Ethnology and/or Cultural Anthropology in Italy: Traditions and Developments (and Comments and Reply). Other authors: Giorgio Ausenda, Bernardo Bernardi, Ugo Bianchi, Y. Michal Bodemann, Jack Goody, Allison Jablonko, David I. Kertzer, Vittorio Lanternari, Antonio Marazzi, Roy A. Miller, Jr., Laura Laurencich Minelli, David M. Moss, Leonard W. Moss, H. R. H. Prince Peter of Greece and Denmark, Diana Pinto, Pietro Scotti, Tullio Tentori. Current Anthropology, Vol. 18, No. 4 (December, 1977), pp. 593–614

• Rabinow, Paul (1977). Reflections on Fieldwork in Morocco. Berkely: University of California Press.

History of anthropology • Asad, Talal, ed. (1973). Anthropology & the Colonial Encounter. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press.

2.2. ARCHAEOLOGY

29

• Barth, Fredrik; Gingrich, Andre; Parkin, Robert 2.1.11 External links (2005). One Discipline, Four Ways: British, Ger• “Encyclopedic Entry: Anthropology”. Education. man, French, and American anthropology. Chicago: National Geographic. Retrieved April 7, 2015. University of Chicago Press. • Buck, Carl Darling (1933). Comparative Grammar of Greek and Latin. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. • Cerroni-Long, E. L., ed. (1999) Anthropological Theory in North America. Westport: Berin & Garvey. • Darnell, Regna. (2001). Invisible Genealogies: A History of Americanist Anthropology. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press. • Hamilton, Michelle A. (2010) Collections and Objections: Aboriginal Material Culture in Southern Ontario. Montreal: MQUP.

• “Historical Trends in Anthropological Thought”. Institute for Ice Age Studies. January 12, 2008. • Elwell, Frank W. (2007). “Harris on the Universal Structure of Societies”. Socio-cultural Systems.

2.2 Archaeology For the magazine about archaeology, see Archaeology (magazine). For the album by the pastiche/parody Beatles band, see The Rutles Archaeology. Archaeology or archeology,[1] is the study of human

• Harris, Marvin (1991) [1977]. Cannibals and kings : origins of cultures. New York; Toronto: Vintage Books. • —— (1999). Theories of Culture in Postmodern Times. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press. • —— (2001) [1968]. The rise of anthropological theory: a history of theories of culture. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press. • Hunt, James (1863). “Introductory Address on the Study of Anthropology”. The Anthropological Review (London: Trübner & Co.). Vol. I. Roman ruins, Lausanne, Switzerland. • Kehoe, Alice B. (1998). The Land of Prehistory: activity in the past, primarily through the recovery A Critical History of American Archaeology. New and analysis of the material culture and environmenYork; London: Routledge. tal data that has been left behind by past human populations, which includes artifacts, architecture, biofacts • Killan, Gerald. (1983) David Boyle: From Artisan (also known as eco-facts) and cultural landscapes (the to Archaeologist. Toronto: UTP. archaeological record). Because archaeology employs a wide range of different procedures, it can be consid• Liddell, Henry George; Scott, Robert (1940). A ered to be both a social science and a humanity,[2] and Greek-English Lexicon. Revised and augmented in the United States, it is thought of as a branch of throughout by Sir Henry Stuart Jones with the as- anthropology,[3] although in Europe, it is viewed as a dissistance of Roderick McKenzie. Oxford, UK; Med- cipline in its own right, or related to other disciplines. For ford, MA: Clarendon Press; Perseus Digital Library. example, much of archaeology in the United Kingdom is considered a part the study of history, while in it • Pels, Peter; Salemink, Oscar, eds. (2000). Colonial is considered part of Geology. Subjects: Essays on the Practical History of Anthropology. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Archaeology studies human prehistory and history from the development of the first stone tools in eastern Africa • Sera-Shriar, Efram (2013). The Making of British 4 million years ago up until recent decades.[4] (ArchaeAnthropology, 1813–1871. Science and Culture in ology does not include the discipline of paleontology). It the Nineteenth Century, 18. London; Vermont: is of most importance for learning about prehistoric societies, when there are no written records for historians to Pickering and Chatto. study, making up over 99% of total human history, from • Stocking, George, Jr. (1968). Race, Culture and the Paleolithic until the advent of literacy in any given Evolution. New York: Free Press. society.[2] Archaeology has various goals, which range

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CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES

from studying human evolution to cultural evolution and First excavations understanding culture history.[5] The discipline involves surveying, excavation and eventually analysis of data collected to learn more about the past. In broad scope, archaeology relies on cross-disciplinary research. It draws upon anthropology, history, art history, classics, ethnology, geography,[6] geology,[7][8][9] linguistics, semiology, physics, information sciences, chemistry, statistics, paleoecology, paleontology, paleozoology, paleoethnobotany, and paleobotany. Archaeology developed out of antiquarianism in Europe during the 19th century, and has since become a discipline practiced across the world. Since its early development, various specific sub-disciplines of archaeology have developed, including maritime archaeology, feminist archaeology and archaeoastronomy, and numerous different scientific techniques have been developed to aid archaeological investigation. Nonetheless, today, archaeologists face many problems, such as dealing with pseudoarchaeology, the looting of artifacts, a lack of public interest, and opposition to the excavation of human remains.

2.2.1

History

Main article: History of archaeology

Antiquarians

An early photograph of Stonehenge taken July 1877

One of the first sites to undergo archaeological excavation was Stonehenge and other megalithic monuments in England. John Aubrey was a pioneer archaeologist who recorded numerous megalithic and other field monuments in southern England. He was also ahead of his time in the analysis of his findings. He attempted to chart the chronological stylistic evolution of handwriting, medieval architecture, costume, and shield-shapes.[12] Excavations were also carried out in the ancient towns of Pompeii and Herculaneum, both of which had been covered by ash during the Eruption of Mount Vesuvius in AD 79. These excavations began in 1748 in Pompeii, while in Herculaneum they began in 1738. The discovery of entire towns, complete with utensils and even human shapes, as well the unearthing of ancient frescos, had a big impact throughout Europe.

However, prior to the development of modern techniques, excavations tended to be haphazard; the importance of concepts such as stratification and context were The science of archaeology (from Greek ἀρχαιολογία, overlooked.[13] archaiologia from ἀρχαῖος, arkhaios, “ancient” and λογία, -logia, "-logy")[10] grew out of the older multidisciplinary study known as antiquarianism. Antiquar- Development of archaeological method ians studied history with particular attention to ancient artefacts and manuscripts, as well as historical sites. An- The father of archaeological excavation was William tiquarianism focused on the empirical evidence that ex- Cunnington (1754–1810). He undertook excavations in isted for the understanding of the past, encapsulated in Wiltshire from around 1798,[14] funded by Sir Richard the motto of the 18th-century antiquary, Sir Richard Colt Colt Hoare. Cunnington made meticulous recordings of Hoare, “We speak from facts not theory”. Tentative steps neolithic and Bronze Age barrows, and the he used towards the systematization of archaeology as a science to categorise and describe them are still used by archaetook place during the Enlightenment era in Europe in the ologists today.[15] 17th and 18th centuries.[11] One of the major achievements of 19th century archaeMain article: Antiquarian

In Europe, philosophical interest in the remains of GrecoRoman civilisation and the rediscovery of classical culture began in the late Middle Age. Flavio Biondo an Italian Renaissance humanist historian created a systematic guide to the ruins and topography of ancient Rome in the early 15th century for which he has been called an early founder of archaeology. Antiquarians, including John Leland and William Camden, conducted surveys of the English countryside, drawing, describing and interpreting the monuments that they encountered.

ology was the development of stratigraphy. The idea of overlapping strata tracing back to successive periods was borrowed from the new geological and palaeontological work of scholars like William Smith, James Hutton and Charles Lyell. The application of stratigraphy to archaeology first took place with the excavations of prehistorical and Bronze Age sites. In the third and fourth decades of the 19th century, archaeologists like Jacques Boucher de Perthes and Christian Jürgensen Thomsen began to put the artifacts they had found in chronological order.

2.2. ARCHAEOLOGY

31

Mortimer Wheeler pioneered systematic excavation in the early 20th century. Pictured, are his excavations at Maiden Castle, Dorset, in October 1937. Artefacts discovered at the 1808 Bush Barrow excavation by Sir Richard Colt Hoare and William Cunnington.

A major figure in the development of archaeology into a rigorous science was the army officer and ethnologist, Augustus Pitt Rivers,[16] who began excavations on his land in England in the 1880s. His approach was highly methodical by the standards of the time, and he is widely regarded as the first scientific archaeologist. He arranged his artefacts by type or "typologically, and within types by date or “chronologically”. This style of arrangement, designed to highlight the evolutionary trends in human artefacts, was of enormous significance for the accurate dating of the objects. His most important methodological innovation was his insistence that all artefacts, not just beautiful or unique ones, be collected and catalogued.[17]

of an equally advanced Minoan civilization.[20] The next major figure in the development of archaeology was Sir Mortimer Wheeler, whose highly disciplined approach to excavation and systematic coverage in the 1920s and 1930s brought the science on swiftly. Wheeler developed the grid system of excavation, which was further improved by his student Kathleen Kenyon.

Archaeology became a professional activity in the first half of the 20th century, and it became possible to study archaeology as a subject in universities and even schools. By the end of the 20th century nearly all professional archaeologists, at least in developed countries, were graduates. Further adaptation and innovation in archaeology continued in this period, when maritime archaeology and urban archaeology became more prevalent and rescue archaeology was developed as a result of increasing comWilliam Flinders Petrie is another man who may legitimercial development.[21] mately be called the Father of Archaeology. His painstaking recording and study of artefacts, both in Egypt and later in Palestine, laid down many of the ideas behind 2.2.2 Purpose modern archaeological recording; he remarked that “I believe the true line of research lies in the noting and The purpose of archaeology is to learn more about past comparison of the smallest details.” Petrie developed the societies and the development of the human race. Over system of dating layers based on pottery and ceramic 99% of the development of humanity has occurred within findings, which revolutionized the chronological basis of prehistoric cultures, who did not make use of writing, Egyptology. Petrie was the first to scientifically investi- thereby not leaving written records of themselves that can gate the Great Pyramid in Egypt during the 1880s.[18] He be studied today. Without such written sources, the only was also responsible for mentoring and training a whole way to learn about prehistoric societies is to use archaegeneration of Egyptologists, including Howard Carter ology. Because archaeology is the study of past human who went on to achieve fame with the discovery of the activity, it stretches back to about 2,5 million years ago tomb of 14th-century BC pharaoh Tutankhamun. when we find the first stone tools - The Oldowan Industry. The first stratigraphic excavation to reach wide popularity with public was that of Hissarlik, on the site of ancient Troy, carried out by Heinrich Schliemann, Frank Calvert, Wilhelm Dörpfeld and Carl Blegen in the 1870s. These scholars individuated nine different cities that had overlapped with one another, from prehistory to the Hellenistic period.[19] Meanwhile, the work of Sir Arthur Evans at Knossos in Crete revealed the ancient existence

Many important developments in human history occurred during prehistory, such as the evolution of humanity during the Paleolithic period, when the hominins developed from the australopithecines in Africa and eventually into modern Homo sapiens. Archaeology also sheds light on many of humanity’s technological advances, for instance the ability to use fire, the development of stone tools, the discovery of metallurgy, the beginnings of religion

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Sign at Lubbock Lake Landmark in Lubbock, Texas Cast of the skull of the Taung child, uncovered in South Africa. The Child was an infant of the Australopithecus africanus species, an early form of hominin

and the creation of agriculture. Without archaeology, we would know little or nothing about the use of material culture by humanity that pre-dates writing.[22] However, it is not only prehistoric, pre-literate cultures that can be studied using archaeology but historic, literate cultures as well, through the sub-discipline of historical archaeology. For many literate cultures, such as Ancient Greece and Mesopotamia, their surviving records are often incomplete and biased to some extent. In many societies, literacy was restricted to the elite classes, such as the clergy or the bureaucracy of court or temple. The literacy even of aristocrats has sometimes been restricted to deeds and contracts. The interests and world-view of elites are often quite different from the lives and interests of the populace. Writings that were produced by people more representative of the general population were unlikely to find their way into libraries and be preserved there for posterity. Thus, written records tend to reflect the biases, assumptions, cultural values and possibly deceptions of a limited range of individuals, usually a small fraction of the larger population. Hence, written records cannot be trusted as a sole source. The material record may be closer to a fair representation of society, though it is subject to its own biases, such as sampling bias and differential preservation.[23]

Theory Main article: Archaeological theory There is no one singular approach to archaeological theory that has been adhered to by all archaeologists. When archaeology developed in the late 19th century, the first approach to archaeological theory to be practiced was that of cultural-history archaeology, which held the goal of explaining why cultures changed and adapted rather than just highlighting the fact that they did, therefore emphasizing historical particularism.[24] In the early 20th

century, many archaeologists who studied past societies with direct continuing links to existing ones (such as those of Native Americans, Siberians, Mesoamericans etc.) followed the direct historical approach, compared the continuity between the past and contemporary ethnic and cultural groups.[24] In the 1960s, an archaeological movement largely led by American archaeologists like Lewis Binford and Kent Flannery arose that rebelled against the established cultural-history archaeology.[25][26] They proposed a “New Archaeology”, which would be more “scientific” and “anthropological”, with hypothesis testing and the scientific method very important parts of what became known as processual archaeology.[24] In the 1980s, a new postmodern movement arose led by the British archaeologists Michael Shanks,[27][28][29][30] Christopher Tilley,[31] Daniel Miller,[32][33] and Ian Hodder,[34][35][36][37][38][39] which has become known as postprocessual archaeology. It questioned processualism’s appeals to scientific positivism and impartiality, and emphasized the importance of a more self-critical theoretical reflexivity. However, this approach has been criticized by processualists as lacking scientific rigor, and the validity of both processualism and post-processualism is still under debate. Meanwhile, another theory, known as historical processualism has emerged seeking to incorporate a focus on process and post-processual archaeology’s emphasis of reflexivity and history.[40] Archaeological theory now borrows from a wide range of influences, including neo-Darwinian evolutionary thought, phenomenology, postmodernism, agency theory, cognitive science, structural functionalism, gender-based and feminist archaeology, and systems theory.

2.2.3 Methods An archaeological investigation usually involves several distinct phases, each of which employs its own variety of methods. Before any practical work can begin, however, a clear objective as to what the archaeologists are looking to achieve must be agreed upon. This done, a site is

2.2. ARCHAEOLOGY

33

surveyed to find out as much as possible about it and the surrounding area. Second, an excavation may take place to uncover any archaeological features buried under the ground. And, third, the data collected from the excavation is studied and evaluated in an attempt to achieve the original research objectives of the archaeologists. It is then considered good practice for the information to be published so that it is available to other archaeologists and historians, although this is sometimes neglected.[41]

Remote sensing Before actually starting to dig in a location, satellite imagery can be used to look where sites are located within a large area.[42] There are two types of remote sensing instruments—ive and active. ive instruments detect natural energy that is reflected or emitted from the observed scene. ive instruments sense only radiation emitted by the object being viewed or reflected by the object from a source other than the instrument. Here are other two instruments that are ive in remote sensing. Lidar (Light Detection and Ranging) A lidar uses a laser (light amplification by stimulated emission of radiation) to transmit a light pulse and a receiver with sensitive detectors to measure the backscattered or reflected light. Distance to the object is determined by recording the time between the transmitted and backscattered pulses and using the speed of light to calculate the distance traveled. Lidars can determine atmospheric profiles of aerosols, clouds, and other constituents of the atmosphere.

Monte Alban archaeological site

survey of all levels became prominent with the rise of processual archaeology some years later.[46] Survey work has many benefits if performed as a preliminary exercise to, or even in place of, excavation. It requires relatively little time and expense, because it does not require processing large volumes of soil to search out artifacts. (Nevertheless, surveying a large region or site can be expensive, so archaeologists often employ sampling methods.)[47] As with other forms of nondestructive archaeology, survey avoids ethical issues (of particular concern to descendant peoples) associated with destroying a site through excavation. It is the only way to gather some forms of information, such as settlement patterns and settlement structure. Survey data are commonly assembled into maps, which may show surface features and/or artifact distribution.

Laser Altimeter A laser altimeter uses a lidar (see above) to measure the height of the instrument platform above the surface. By independently knowing the height of the platform with respect to the mean Earth’s surface, the topography of the underlying surface can be determined. [43]

Field survey Main article: Archaeological survey The archaeological project then continues (or alternatively, begins) with a field survey. Regional survey is the attempt to systematically locate previously unknown sites in a region. Site survey is the attempt to systematically locate features of interest, such as houses and middens, within a site. Each of these two goals may be accomplished with largely the same methods. Survey was not widely practiced in the early days of archaeology. Cultural historians and prior researchers were usually content with discovering the locations of monumental sites from the local populace, and excavating only the plainly visible features there. Gordon Willey pioneered the technique of regional settlement pattern survey in 1949 in the Viru Valley of coastal Peru,[44][45] and

Inverted kite aerial photo of an excavation of a Roman building at Nesley near Tetbury in Gloucestershire.

The simplest survey technique is surface survey. It involves combing an area, usually on foot but sometimes with the use of mechanized transport, to search for fea-

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tures or artifacts visible on the surface. Surface survey cannot detect sites or features that are completely buried under earth, or overgrown with vegetation. Surface survey may also include mini-excavation techniques such as augers, corers, and shovel test pits. If no materials are found, the area surveyed is deemed sterile. Aerial survey is conducted using cameras attached to airplanes, balloons, or even Kites.[48] A bird’s-eye view is useful for quick mapping of large or complex sites. Aerial photographs are used to document the status of the archaeological dig. Aerial imaging can also detect many things not visible from the surface. Plants growing above a buried man made structure, such as a stone wall, will develop more slowly, while those above other types of features (such as middens) may develop more Excavations at the 3800-year-old Edgewater Park Site, Iowa rapidly. Photographs of ripening grain, which changes colour rapidly at maturation, have revealed buried structures with great precision. Aerial photographs taken at different times of day will help show the outlines of structures by changes in shadows. Aerial survey also employs ultraviolet, infrared, ground-penetrating radar wavelengths, LiDAR and thermography.[49] Geophysical survey can be the most effective way to see beneath the ground. Magnetometers detect minute deviations in the Earth’s magnetic field caused by iron artifacts, kilns, some types of stone structures, and even ditches and middens. Devices that measure the electrical resistivity of the soil are also widely used. Archaeological features whose electrical resistivity contrasts with that of surrounding soils can be detected and mapped. Some archaeological features (such as those composed of stone or brick) have higher resistivity than typical soils, while others (such as organic deposits or unfired clay) tend to have lower resistivity. Although some archaeologists consider the use of metal detectors to be tantamount to treasure hunting, others deem them an effective tool in archaeological surveying. Examples of formal archaeological use of metal detectors include musketball distribution analysis on English Civil War battlefields, metal distribution analysis prior to excavation of a 19th-century ship wreck, and service cable location during evaluation. Metal detectorists have also contributed to archaeology where they have made detailed records of their results and refrained from raising artifacts from their archaeological context. In the UK, metal detectorists have been solicited for involvement in the Portable Antiquities Scheme.

Archaeological excavation that discovered prehistoric caves in Vill (Innsbruck), Austria

source of the majority of data recovered in most field projects. It can reveal several types of information usually not accessible to survey, such as stratigraphy, threedimensional structure, and verifiably primary context.

Regional survey in underwater archaeology uses geophys- Modern excavation techniques require that the preical or remote sensing devices such as marine magne- cise locations of objects and features, known as their provenance or provenience, be recorded. This always intometer, side-scan sonar, or sub-bottom sonar.[50] volves determining their horizontal locations, and sometimes vertical position as well (also see Primary Laws of Excavation Archaeology). Likewise, their association, or relationship with nearby objects and features, needs to be recorded Main article: Excavation (archaeology) for later analysis. This allows the archaeologist to deduce Archaeological excavation existed even when the field which artifacts and features were likely used together and was still the domain of amateurs, and it remains the which may be from different phases of activity. For ex-

2.2. ARCHAEOLOGY

35 Once artifacts and structures have been excavated, or collected from surface surveys, it is necessary to properly study them, to gain as much data as possible. This process is known as post-excavation analysis, and is usually the most time-consuming part of the archaeological investigation. It is not uncommon for the final excavation reports on major sites to take years to be published.

At its most basic, the artifacts found are cleaned, cataloged and compared to published collections, to classify them typologically and to identify other sites with similar artifact assemblages. However, a much more comprehensive range of analytical techniques are available through archaeological science, meaning that arAn archaeologist sifting for POW remains on Wake Island. tifacts can be dated and their compositions examined. The bones, plants and pollen collected from a site can all be analyzed (using the techniques of zooarchaeology, ample, excavation of a site reveals its stratigraphy; if a paleoethnobotany, and palynology), while any texts can site was occupied by a succession of distinct cultures, ar- usually be deciphered. tifacts from more recent cultures will lie above those from These techniques frequently provide information that more ancient cultures. would not otherwise be known and therefore contribute Excavation is the most expensive phase of archaeological greatly to the understanding of a site. research, in relative . Also, as a destructive process, it carries ethical concerns. As a result, very few sites are excavated in their entirety. Again the percentage of a site Virtual archaeology excavated depends greatly on the country and “method statement” issued. In places 90% excavation is common. Main article: virtual archaeology Sampling is even more important in excavation than in survey. It is common for large mechanical equipment, Some time around 1995 archaeologists started using such as backhoes (JCBs), to be used in excavation, escomputer graphics to build virtual 3D models of sites such pecially to remove the topsoil (overburden), though this as the throne room of an ancient Assyrian palace or anmethod is increasingly used with great caution. Followcient Rome.[51] This is done by collecting normal phoing this rather dramatic step, the exposed area is usually tographs and using computer graphics to build the virtual hand-cleaned with trowels or hoes to ensure that all fea3D model.[51] In more general , computers can be tures are apparent. used to recreate the environment and conditions of the The next task is to form a site plan and then use it to help past, such as objects, buildings, landscapes and even andecide the method of excavation. Features dug into the cient battles.[51] Computer simulation can be used to simnatural subsoil are normally excavated in portions to pro- ulate the living conditions of an ancient community and to duce a visible archaeological section for recording. A fea- see how it would have reacted to various scenarios (such ture, for example a pit or a ditch, consists of two parts: the as how much food to grow, how many animals to slaughcut and the fill. The cut describes the edge of the feature, ter, etc.)[51] Computer-built topographical models have where the feature meets the natural soil. It is the feature’s been combined with astronomical calculations to boundary. The fill is what the feature is filled with, and whether or not certain structures (such as pillars) were will often appear quite distinct from the natural soil. The aligned with astronomical events such as the sun’s posicut and fill are given consecutive numbers for recording tion at a solstice.[51] purposes. Scaled plans and sections of individual features are all drawn on site, black and white and colour photographs of them are taken, and recording sheets are Drones filled in describing the context of each. All this information serves as a permanent record of the now-destroyed In Peru archaeologists use drones to speed up survey archaeology and is used in describing and interpreting the work and protect sites from squatters, builders and minsite. ers. Small drones helped researchers produce threedimensional models of Peruvian sites instead of the usual flat maps – and in days and weeks instead of months and years.[52] Analysis Main article: Post excavation

Drones have replaced expensive and clumsy small planes, kites and helium balloons. Drones costing as little as £650 have proven useful. In 2013 drones have flown over at

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least six Peruvian archaeological sites, including the colo- Experimental archaeology nial Andean town Machu Llacta 4,000 metres (13,000 ft) above sea level. The drones continue to have altitude Main article: Experimental archaeology problems in the Andes, leading to plans to make a drone blimp, employing open source software.[52] Experimental archaeology represents the application of Jeffrey Quilter, an archaeologist with Harvard University the experimental method to develop more highly consaid, “You can go up three metres and photograph a room, trolled observations of processes that create and im300 metres and photograph a site, or you can go up 3,000 pact the archaeological record.[65][66][67][68][69] In the conmetres and photograph the entire valley.”[52] text of the logical positivism of processualism with its In September 2014 drones weighing about 5 kg (11 lb) goals of improving the scientific rigor of archaeological were used for 3D mapping of the above-ground ruins of epistemologies the experimental method gained importhe Greek city of Aphrodisias. The data is being analysed tance. Experimental techniques remain a crucial component to improving the inferential frameworks for interby the Austrian Archaeological Institute in Vienna.[53] preting the archaeological record.

2.2.4

Academic sub-disciplines

Main article: Archaeological sub-disciplines As with most academic disciplines, there are a very large number of archaeological sub-disciplines characterised by a specific method or type of material (e.g., lithic analysis, music, archaeobotany), geographical or chronological focus (e.g. Near Eastern archaeology, Islamic archaeology, Medieval archaeology), other thematic concern (e.g. maritime archaeology, landscape archaeology, battlefield archaeology), or a specific archaeological culture or civilization (e.g. Egyptology, Indology, Sinology). Historical archaeology Historical archaeology is the study of cultures with some form of writing. In England, archaeologists have uncovered the long-lost layouts of medieval villages abandoned after crises of the 14th century (such as the Black Death) and the equally lost layouts of 17th-century parterre gardens swept away by a change in fashion. In downtown New York City archaeologists have exhumed the 18th century remains of the African burial ground. Ethnoarchaeology

Archaeometry Archaeometry is a field of study that aims to systematize archaeological measurement. It emphasizes the application of analytical techniques from physics, chemistry, and engineering. It is a field of research that frequently focuses on the definition of the chemical composition of archaeological remains for source analysis.[70] Archaeometry also investigates different spatial characteristics of features, employing methods such as space syntax techniques and geodesy as well as computer-based tools such as geographic information system technology.[71] Rare earth elements patterns may also be used.[72] A relatively nascent subfield is that of archaeological materials, designed to enhance understanding of prehistoric and nonindustrial culture through scientific analysis of the structure and properties of materials associated with human activity.[73] Cultural resources management While archaeology can be done as a pure science, it can also be an applied science, namely the study of archaeological sites that are threatened by development. In such cases, archaeology is a subsidiary activity within Cultural resources management (CRM), also called heritage management in the United Kingdom.[74] Today, CRM s for most of the archaeological research done in the United States and much of that in western Europe as well. In the US, CRM archaeology has been a growing concern since the age of the National Historic Preservation Act (NHPA) of 1966, and most taxpayers, scholars, and politicians believe that CRM has helped preserve much of that nation’s history and prehistory that would have otherwise been lost in the expansion of cities, dams, and highways. Along with other statutes, the NHPA mandates that projects on federal land or involving federal funds or permits consider the effects of the project on each archaeological site.

Ethnoarchaeology is the archaeological study of living people.[54][55][56][57][58][59] The approach gained notoriety during the emphasis on middle range theory that was a feature of the processual movement of the 1960s. Early ethnoarchaeological research focused on hunting and gathering or foraging societies. Ethnoarchaeology continues to be a vibrant component of post-processual and other current archaeological approaches.[60][61][62][63] Ethnoarchaeology is the use of ethnography to increase and improve analogs, which are then used as analogies to interpret the archaeological record. In short, ethnoarchaeology is the application of ethnography to The application of CRM in the United Kingdom is not limited to government-funded projects. Since 1990 PPG archaeology.[64]

2.2. ARCHAEOLOGY

37

16[75] has required planners to consider archaeology as a material consideration in determining applications for new development. As a result, numerous archaeological organisations undertake mitigation work in advance of (or during) construction work in archaeologically sensitive areas, at the developer’s expense.

considered an intellectual backwater for individuals with “strong backs and weak minds”[81] has reaped the benefit of this massive pool of well educated professionals. This results in CRM offices increasingly staffed by advance degreed individuals with a track record of producing scholarly articles but who have the notches on their trowels to In England, ultimate responsibility of care for the historic show they have been in the trenches as a shovelbum. environment rests with the Department for Culture, Media and Sport[76] in association with English Heritage.[77] In Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, the same re- 2.2.5 Popular views of archaeology sponsibilities lie with Historic Scotland,[78] Cadw[79] and the Northern Ireland Environment Agency[80] respectively. Among the goals of CRM are the identification, preservation, and maintenance of cultural sites on public and private lands, and the removal of culturally valuable materials from areas where they would otherwise be destroyed by human activity, such as proposed construction. This study involves at least a cursory examination to determine whether or not any significant archaeological sites are present in the area affected by the proposed construction. If these do exist, time and money must be allotted for their excavation. If initial survey and/or test excavation indicates the presence of an extraordinarily valuable Extensive excavations at Beit She'an, Israel site, the construction may be prohibited entirely. CRM is a thriving entity, especially in the United States and Europe where archaeologists from private companies and all levels of government engage in the practice of their discipline. Cultural resources management has, however, been criticized. CRM is conducted by private companies that bid for projects by submitting proposals outlining the work to be done and an expected budget. It is not unheardof for the agency responsible for the construction to simply choose the proposal that asks for the least funding. CRM archaeologists face considerable time pressure, often being forced to complete their work in a fraction of the time that might be allotted for a purely scholarly endeavor. Compounding the time pressure is the vetting process of site reports that are required (in the US) to be submitted by CRM firms to the appropriate State Historic Preservation Office (SHPO). From the SHPO’s perspective there is to be no difference between a report submitted by a CRM firm operating under a deadline, and a multi-year academic project. The end result is that for a Cultural Resource Management archaeologist to be successful, they must be able to produce academic quality documents at a corporate world pace. The annual ratio of open academic archaeology positions (inclusive of Post-Doc, temporary, and non tenure track appointments) to the annual number of archaeology MA/MSc and PhD students is grossly disproportionate. This dearth of academic positions causes a predictable excess of well educated individuals who the ranks of the following year’s crop of non-academically employed archaeologists. Cultural Resource Management, once

Permanent exhibition in a German multi-storey car park, explaining the archaeological discoveries made during the construction of this building

Early archaeology was largely an attempt to uncover spectacular artifacts and features, or to explore vast and mysterious abandoned cities. Early archaeology was mostly done by upper class, scholarly men. This generalization laid the foundation for the modern popular view of archaeology and archaeologists. This generalization has been with western culture for a long time. Another popular thought that dates back to this era is that archaeology is monetarily lucrative. A large majority of the general public is under the impression that excavations are undertaken for money and not historical data. It is easy for the general public to hold this notion for that is what is presented to them through general media, and has been for many decades.

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The majority of the public view archaeology as being something only available to a narrow demographic. The job of archaeologist is depicted as a “romantic adventurist occupation”.[82] To generalize, the public views archaeology as a fantasized hobby more than a job in the scientific community. The audience may not take away scientific methods from popular cinema but they do form a notion of “who archaeologists are, why they do what they do, and how relationships to the past are constituted”.[82] The modern depiction of archaeology is sensationalized so much that it has incorrectly formed the public’s perception of what archaeology is. The public is often under the impression that all archaeology takes place in a distant and foreign land, only to collect monetarily or spiritually priceless artifacts. Such pursuits continue to fascinate the public. Books, films, and video games, such as Indiana Jones, King Solomon’s Mines, The City of Brass, Relic Hunter, The Mummy, Stargate, and Tomb Raider all testify to the public’s interest in the discovery aspect of archaeology. Many practitioners cite their childhood fascination with Indiana Jones as their inspiration to enter the field.[83][84] Much thorough and productive research has indeed been conducted in dramatic locales such as Copán and the Valley of the Kings, but the bulk of activities and finds of modern archaeology are not so sensational. Archaeological adventure stories tend to ignore the painstaking work involved in carrying out modern surveys, excavations, and data processing. Some archaeologists refer to such offthe-mark portrayals as "pseudoarchaeology".[85] Archaeologists are also very much reliant on public ; the Excavations at the site of Gran Dolina, in the Atapuerca Mounquestion of exactly who they are doing their work for is tains, Spain, 2008 [86] often discussed.

2.2.6

Current issues and controversy

Public archaeology Motivated by a desire to halt looting, curb pseudoarchaeology, and to help preserve archaeological sites through education and fostering public appreciation for the importance of archaeological heritage, archaeologists are mounting public-outreach campaigns.[87] They seek to stop looting by combatting people who illegally take artifacts from protected sites, and by alerting people who live near archaeological sites of the threat of looting. Common methods of public outreach include press releases, and the encouragement of school field trips to sites under excavation by professional archaeologists. Public appreciation of the significance of archaeology and archaeological sites often leads to improved protection from encroaching development or other threats.

they have a responsibility to educate and inform the public about archaeology. Local heritage awareness is aimed at increasing civic and individual pride through projects such as community excavation projects, and better public presentations of archaeological sites and knowledge. The U.S.Dept. of Agriculture, Forest Service (USFS) operates a volunteer archaeology and historic preservation program called the port in Time (PIT). Volunteers work with professional USFS archaeologists and historians on national forests throughout the U.S. Volunteers are involved in all aspects of professional archaeology under expert supervision.[88]

In the UK, popular archaeology programs such as Time Team and Meet the Ancestors have resulted in a huge upsurge in public interest. Where possible, archaeologists now make more provisions for public involvement and outreach in larger projects than they once did, and many local archaeological organizations operate within the Community archaeology framework to expand public involvement in smaller-scale, more local projects. ArOne audience for archaeologists’ work is the public. chaeological excavation, however, is best undertaken by They increasingly realize that their work can benefit well-trained staff that can work quickly and accurately. non-academic and non-archaeological audiences, and that Often this requires observing the necessary health and

2.2. ARCHAEOLOGY

39

safety and indemnity insurance issues involved in working on a modern building site with tight deadlines. Certain charities and local government bodies sometimes offer places on research projects either as part of academic work or as a defined community project. There is also a flourishing industry selling places on commercial training excavations and archaeological holiday tours. Archaeologists prize local knowledge and often liaise with local historical and archaeological societies, which is one reason why Community archaeology projects are starting to become more common. Often archaeologists are assisted by the public in the locating of archaeological sites, which professional archaeologists have neither the funding, nor the time to do. The Archaeological Legacy Institute (ALI), selfdescribed as “an independent, nonprofit, tax-exempt (501[c][3])", is a research and education corporation ed in Oregon in 1999. The ALI founded an online Archaeology Channel to the organization’s mission “to develop ways to make archaeology more effective both in gathering important information about past human lifeways and in delivering that information to the public and the profession.”[89]

A looter’s pit on the morning following its excavation, taken at Rontoy, Huaura Valley, Peru in June 2007. Several small holes left by looters’ prospecting probes can be seen, as well as their footprints.

Pseudoarchaeology Main article: Pseudoarchaeology Pseudoarchaeology is an umbrella term for all activities that falsely claim to be archaeological but in fact violate commonly accepted and scientific archaeological practices. It includes much fictional archaeological work (discussed above), as well as some actual activity. Many nonfiction authors have ignored the scientific methods of processual archaeology, or the specific critiques of it contained in post-processualism. An example of this type is the writing of Erich von Däniken. His 1968 book, Chariots of the Gods?, together with many subsequent lesser-known works, expounds a theory of ancient s between human civilisation on Earth and more technologically advanced extraterrestrial civilisations. This theory, known as palaeo theory, or Ancient astronaut theory, is not exclusively Däniken’s, nor did the idea originate with him. Works of this nature are usually marked by the renunciation of wellestablished theories on the basis of limited evidence, and the interpretation of evidence with a preconceived theory in mind. Looting Looting of archaeological sites is an ancient problem. For instance, many of the tombs of the Egyptian pharaohs were looted during antiquity.[90] Archaeology stimulates interest in ancient objects, and people in search of ar-

Stela of a king named Adad-Nirari. Object stolen from the Iraq National Museum in the looting in connection with the Iraq war of 2003.

40 tifacts or treasure cause damage to archaeological sites. The commercial and academic demand for artifacts unfortunately contributes directly to the illicit antiquities trade. Smuggling of antiquities abroad to private collectors has caused great cultural and economic damage in many countries whose governments lack the resources and or the will to deter it. Looters damage and destroy archaeological sites, denying future generations information about their ethnic and cultural heritage. Indigenous peoples especially lose access to and control over their 'cultural resources’, ultimately denying them the opportunity to know their past.[91]

CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES tralian archaeologists especially have explored this issue and attempted to survey these sites to give them some protection from being developed. Such work requires close links and trust between archaeologists and the people they are trying to help and at the same time study.

While this cooperation presents a new set of challenges and hurdles to fieldwork, it has benefits for all parties involved. Tribal elders cooperating with archaeologists can prevent the excavation of areas of sites that they consider sacred, while the archaeologists gain the elders’ aid in interpreting their finds. There have also been active efforts to recruit aboriginal peoples directly into the archaeo 1937 W. F. Hodge the Director of the Southwest ical profession. Museum released a statement that the museum would no longer purchase or accept collections from looted contexts.[92] The first conviction of the transport of artifacts illegally removed from private property under the Repatriation Archaeological Resources Protection Act (ARPA; Public Law 96-95; 93 Statute 721; 16 U.S.C. § 470aamm) was in 1992 in the State of Indiana.[93] See Repatriation and reburial of human remains Descendant peoples

A new trend in the heated controversy between First Nations groups and scientists is the repatriation of native artifacts to the original descendants. An example of this occurred June 21, 2005, when community and elders from a number of the 10 Algonquian nations in the Ottawa area convened on the Kitigan Zibi reservation near Maniwaki, Quebec, to inter ancestral human remains and burial goods — some dating back 6,000 years. It was not determined, however, if the remains were directly related to the Algonquin people who now inhabit the region. The remains may be of Iroquoian ancestry, since Iroquoian people inhabited the area before the Algonquin. Moreover, the oldest of these remains might have no relation at all to the Algonquin or Iroquois, and belong to an earlier culture who previously inhabited the area.

In the United States, examples such as the case of Kennewick Man have illustrated the tensions between Native Americans and archaeologists, which can be summarized as a conflict between a need to remain respectful toward sacred burial sites and the academic benefit from studying them. For years, American archaeologists dug on Indian burial grounds and other places considered sacred, removing artifacts and human remains to storage facilities for further study. In some cases human remains were not even thoroughly studied but instead archived rather than reburied. Furthermore, Western archaeologists’ views of the past often differ from those of tribal peoples. The West views time as linear; for many natives, it is cyclic. From a Western perspective, the past is long-gone; from a native perspective, disturbing the past can have dire consequences in the present. The remains and artifacts, including jewelry, tools and weapons, were originally excavated from various sites in As a consequence of this, American Indians attempted the Ottawa Valley, including Morrison and the Allumette to prevent archaeological excavation of sites inhabited by Islands. They had been part of the Canadian Museum their ancestors, while American archaeologists believed that the advancement of scientific knowledge was a valid of Civilization's research collection for decades, some reason to continue their studies. This contradictory situ- since the late 19th century. Elders from various Algoation was addressed by the Native American Graves Pro- nquin communities conferred on an appropriate reburial, tection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA, 1990), which eventually deciding on traditional redcedar and birchbark sought to reach a compromise by limiting the right of re- boxes lined with redcedar chips, muskrat and beaver search institutions to possess human remains. Due in part pelts. to the spirit of postprocessualism, some archaeologists An inconspicuous rock mound marks the reburial site have begun to actively enlist the assistance of indigenous where close to 80 boxes of various sizes are buried. Bepeoples likely to be descended from those under study. cause of this reburial, no further scientific study is possiArchaeologists have also been obliged to re-examine what ble. Although negotiations were at times tense between and museum, they were able constitutes an archaeological site in view of what native the Kitigan Zibi community [94] to reach agreement. peoples believe to constitute sacred space. To many native peoples, natural features such as lakes, mountains Kennewick Man is another repatriation candidate that has or even individual trees have cultural significance. Aus- been the source of heated debate.

2.2. ARCHAEOLOGY

2.2.7

Fictional archaeologists

• Blue Beetle • Lara Croft • Doctor Fate • Sydney Fox • Hawkgirl • Hawkwoman • Daniel Jackson (Stargate) • Indiana Jones • Scrooge McDuck • Metamorpho • Amelia Peabody • Dirk Pitt • Elijah Snow • Adam Strange • Bernice Summerfield

41

[12] Hunter, Michael (1975). John Aubrey and the Realm of Learning. London: Duckworth. pp. 156–7, 162–6, 181. ISBN 0-7156-0818-5. [13] Dorothy King, The Elgin Marbles (Hutchinson, January 2006) [14] Everill, P. 2010. The Parkers of Heytesbury: Archaeological pioneers. Antiquaries Journal 90: 441-53 [15] Everill, P. 2009. Invisible Pioneers. British Archaeology 108: 40-43 [16] Bowden, Mark (1984) General Pitt Rivers: The father of scientific archaeology. Salisbury and South Wiltshire Museum. ISBN 0-947535-00-4. [17] Hicks, Dan (2013). Hicks, Dan; Stevenson, Alice, eds. “Characterizing the World Archaeology Collections of the Pitt Rivers Museum”. World Archaeology at the Pitt Rivers Museum: a characterization (Oxford: Archaeopress). [18] “Sir William Flinders Petrie”. Palestine Exploration Fund. 2000. Retrieved 2007-11-19. [19] Kenneth W. Harl. “Great Ancient Civilizations of Asia Minor”. Retrieved November 23, 2012. [20] MacGillivray, Joseph Alexander (2000). Minotaur: Sir Arthur Evans and the Archaeology of the Minoan Myth. New York: Hill and Wang (Farrar, Straus and Giroux). [21] Renfrew and Bahn (2004 [1991]:33-35)

2.2.8

See also

[22] “Kevin Greene - ''Archaeology: an Introduction''". Staff.ncl.ac.uk. Retrieved 2010-08-12.

Outline of archaeology

[23] Schiffer, M. B. 1972. Archaeological Context and Systemic Context. American Antiquity 37: 156-165

2.2.9

[24] Trigger (1989)

References

[1] Society for American Archaeology, retrieved 2011-01-15 [2] Renfrew and Bahn (2004 [1991]:13) [3] Haviland et al. 2010, p. 7,14 [4] Mherron, S. P., Z. Alemseged, C. W. Marean, J. G. Wynn, D. Reed, D. Geraads, R. Bobe, and H. A. Bearat. 2010. Evidence for stone-tool-assisted consumption of animal tissues before 3.39 million years ago at Dikika, Ethiopia. Nature 466:857-860

[25] Binford (1962) [26] Flannery (1967) [27] Shanks and Tilley (1987) [28] Shanks and Tilley (1988) [29] Shanks (1991) [30] Shanks (1993) [31] Tilley (1993)

[5] Wylie, Alison (2002), Thinking from things: essays in the philosophy of archaeology, Berkeley: University of California Press, p. 31, ISBN 0-520-22361-6

[32] Miller and Tilley1984

[6] Aldenderfer and Maschner (1996)

[34] Hodder (1982)

[7] Gladfelter (1977)

[35] Hodder (1985)

[8] Watters (1992)

[36] Hodder (1987)

[9] Watters (2000)

[37] Hodder (1990)

[33] Miller et al. (1989)

[10] “archaeology”. Online Etymology Dictionary.

[38] Hodder (1991)

[11] The History of the Science of Archaeology

[39] Hodder (1992)

42

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[40] Pauketat, Timothy R. (2001)

[70] Glascock et al. 1994

[41] Renfrew and Bahn (2004 [1991]:75)

[71] Hacιgüzeller, Piraye (2012), “GIS, critique, representation and beyond”, Journal of Social Archaeology 12 (2): 245–263, doi:10.1177/1469605312439139

[42] Remote sensing for archaeology [43] http://earthobservatory.nasa.gov/Features/ RemoteSensing/ [44] Willey (1953)

[72] Saiano, F. and Scalenghe, R. (2009), “An anthropic soil transformation fingerprinted by REY patterns”, Journal of Archaeological Science 36 (11): 2502–2506, doi:10.1016/j.jas.2009.06.025

[45] Willey (1968) [46] Billman and Feinman (1999) [47] Redman (1974) [48] “Kite Aerial Photography”. Retrieved 2012-12-02. [49] Reeves, D. (1936). Aerial photography and archaeology. American Antiquity, 2(2), 102-107. Retrieved from: http://www.jstor.org/stable/275881 [50] Hall, E. T. (1970). Survey techniques in underwater archaeology. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London. Series A, Mathematical and Physical Sciences, 269(1193), 121-124. Retrieved from http: //www.jstor.org/stable/73925 [51] Michael Bawaya, “Virtual Archaeologists Recreate Parts of Ancient Worlds”, Science, 8 January 2010, vol. 327, p. 140. [52] Reuters in Lima. “Peru’s archaeologists turn to drones to help protect and explore ancient ruins | World news”. theguardian.com. Retrieved 2013-08-27.

[73] MIT Archaeological Materials and CMRAE Mission Statement [74] The University of Exeter - SoGAER - Department of Archaeology, Sogaer.ex.ac.uk, 2008-10-28, retrieved 200905-05 [75] “Planning Policy Guidance 16: Archaeology and planning - Planning, building and the environment - Communities and Local Government”. Web.archive.org. Archived from the original on 2008-02-12. Retrieved 2009-07-25. [76] Department for Culture Media and Sport (2009-04-28), Department for Culture Media and Sport - historic environment, Culture.gov.uk, archived from the original on 21 May 2009, retrieved 2009-05-05 [77] English Heritage - Stonehenge & the History of England: English Heritage, English Heritage, archived from the original on 30 April 2009, retrieved 2009-05-05 [78] Historic Scotland, Historic Scotland, archived from the original on 26 April 2009, retrieved 2009-05-05

[53] Hudson, Hal (24 September 2014). “Air-chaeological drones search for ancient treasures” (2988). New Scientist. Retrieved 2 October 2014.

[79] Cadw, Cadw.wales.gov.uk, archived from the original on 29 April 2009, retrieved 2009-05-05

[54] Gould (1971a)

[80] Built Environment, Ehsni.gov.uk, archived from the original on 2007-12-25, retrieved 2009-05-05

[55] Gould (1971b) [81] Flannery (1982) [56] Yellen (1972) [57] Yellen (1977) [58] Gould and Yellen 1987 [59] Yellen (1991)

[82] McGeough, Kevin (2006), “Heroes, Mummies, and Treasure: Near Eastern Archaeology in the Movies”, Near Eastern Archaeology 69: 174–185 [83] “Indiana Jones Inspires Fans”. ABC News. Retrieved 2011-01-11.

[60] Sillet et al. (2006) [61] Schott and Sillitoe (2005) [62] Ogundele (2005) [63] Kuznar (2001) [64] Ashcer (1961) as cited in Wylie (1985)

[84] Strong, Meghan (2007-04-19), The Indiana Jones Effect (PDF), Lycoming College, p. 40 [85] “Romancing the Past-Archaeology”. Denison University. Retrieved 2011-01-11. [86] “Denning 2004, Internet Archaeology 15”. Intarch.ac.uk. 2004-01-28. Retrieved 2010-08-12.

[65] Ascher (1961) [66] Saraydar and Shimada (1971) [67] Saraydar and Shimada (1973) [68] Gifford-Gonzalez (1985) [69] Frison (1989)

[87] Anthropological Studies Center (ASC), Sonoma.edu, archived from the original on 28 March 2009, retrieved 2009-05-05 [88] "^ ''Rapid City Journal'' Published Online: 14 Nov 2008”. Rapidcityjournal.com. 2008-11-14. Retrieved 2010-0812.

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[89] The Archaeological Legacy Institute (ALI). “The Archaeology Channel and : Archaeological Legacy Institute”. ArchaeologyChannel.org. Retrieved 29 December 2011. [90] Time Life Lost Civilizations series: Ramses II: Magnificence on the Nile (1993) [91] Sheets (1973) [92] Hodge (1937) [93] Munson et al. (1995) [94] Canadian Geographic Online

2.2.10

Bibliography

• Aldenderfer, M. S. & Maschner, H. D. G., ed. (1996), Anthropology, Space, and Geographic Information Systems, New York: Oxford University Press • Ascher, R. (1961), “Analogy in archaeological interpretation”, Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 17 (4): 317–325, JSTOR 3628943 • Ascher, R. (1961), “Experimental Archeology”, American Anthropologist 63 (4): 793–816, doi:10.1525/aa.1961.63.4.02a00070 • Billman, B. R. & Feinman, G. (1999), Settlement Pattern Studies in the Americas—Fifty Years Since Virú, Washington DC: Smithsonian Institution Press • Binford, L. (1962), “Archaeology as Anthropology”, American Antiquity 28 (4): 217–225, doi:10.2307/278380, JSTOR 278380 • Denning, K. (2004), “The Storm of Progress’ and Archaeology for an Online Public”, Internet Archaeology 15 • Ebrey, Patricia Buckley (1999), The Cambridge Illustrated History of China, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-43519-6, OCLC 223427870 33047244 59615754 • Flannery, K. V. (1967), “Culture History v. Culture Process: A Debate in American archaeology”, Scientific American 217 (2): 119–122, doi:10.1038/scientificamerican0867-119 • Flannery, K. V. (1982), “The Golden Marshalltown: A Parable for the Archaeology of the 1980s”, American Anthropologist 84 (2): 265–278, doi:10.1525/aa.1982.84.2.02a00010 • Fraser, Julius Thomas and Francis C. Haber. (1986), Time, Science, and Society in China and the West, Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press • Frison, G. C. (1989), “Experimental Use of Clovis Weaponry and Tools on African Elephants”, American Antiquity 54 (4): 766–784, doi:10.2307/280681, JSTOR 280681

43 • Glascock, M. D., Neff, H., Stryker, K. S. & Johnson, T. N. (1994), “Sourcing Archaeological Obsidian by an Abbreviated NAA Procedure”, Journal of Radioanalytical and Nuclear Chemistry 180: 29–35, doi:10.1007/BF02039899 • Gifford-Gonzalez, D. P., Damrosch, D. B., Damrosch, D. R., Pryor, J. & Thunen, R. L. (1985), “The Third Dimension in Site Structure: An Experiment in Trampling and Vertical Dispersal”, American Antiquity 50 (4): 803–818, doi:10.2307/280169, JSTOR 280169 • Gladfelter, B. G. (1977), “Geoarchaeology: The Geomorphologist and Archaeology”, American Antiquity 42 (4): 519–538, doi:10.2307/278926, JSTOR 278926 • Gould, R. (1971a), “The Archaeologist as Ethnographer: A Case from the Western Desert of Australia”, World Archaeology 3 (2): 143–177, doi:10.1080/00438243.1969.9979499 • Gould, R., Koster, D. A. & Sontz, A. H. L. (1971b), “The Lithic Assemblage of the Western Desert Aborigines of Australia”, American Antiquity 36 (2): 149–169, doi:10.2307/278668, JSTOR 278668 • Gould, R. & Yellen, J. (1987), “Man the Hunted: Determinants of Household Spacing in Desert and Tropical Foraging Societies”, Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 6: 77, doi:10.1016/02784165(87)90017-1 • Haviland, William A.; Prins, Harald E. L.; McBride, Bunny; Walrath, Dana (2010), Cultural Anthropology: The Human Challenge (13th ed.), Cengage Learning, ISBN 0-495-81082-7 • Hodder, I. (1982), Symbols in Action, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press • Hodder, I. (1985), “Post-Processual Archaeology”, in SCHIFFER, M. B., Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory, New York: Academic Press • Hodder, I., ed. (1987), The Archaeology of Contextual Meaning, New York: Cambridge University Press • Hodder, I. (1990), “Style as Historical Quality”, in HASTORF, M. C. A. C., The Uses of Style in Archaeology, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press • Hodder, I. (1991), “Interpretive Archaeology and Its Role”, American Antiquity 56 (1): 7–18, doi:10.2307/280968, JSTOR 280968 • Hodder, I. (1992), Theory and Practice in Archaeology, London: Routeldge • Kuznar, L, ed. (2001), Ethnoarchaeology of Andean South America, Ann Arbor: International Monographs in Prehistory

44 • Miller, D. & Tilley, C. (1984), “Ideology, Power and Prehistory: An Introduction”, in Miller, D. & Tilley, C., Ideology, Power, and Prehistory, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-52125526-0, OCLC 241599209 9827625

CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES • Shanks, M. (1993), “Style and the design of a perfume jar from an Archaic Greek city state”, Journal of European Archaeology 1: 77–106, doi:10.1179/096576693800731190

• Miller, D., Rowlands, M., Tilley, C., ed. (1989), Dominion and Resistance, New York: Routledge

• Sheets, P. D. (1973), “The Pillage of Prehistory”, American Antiquity 38 (3): 317–320, doi:10.2307/279718, JSTOR 279718

• Munson, C. A., Jones, M. M. & Fry, R. E. (1995), “The GE Mound: An ARPA Case Study”, American Antiquity 60 (1): 131–159, doi:10.2307/282080, JSTOR 282080

• Shott, M. J. & Sillitoe, P. (2005), “Use life and curation in New Guinea experimental used flakes”, Journal of Archaeological Science 32 (5): 653–663, doi:10.1016/j.jas.2004.11.012

• Ogundele, S. O. (2005), “Ethnoarchaeology of Domestic Space and Spatial Behaviour Among the Tiv and Ungwai of Central Nigeria”, African Archaeological Review 22: 25–54, doi:10.1007/s10437005-3158-2

• Tassie, G. J., Owens, L.S. (2010), Standards of Archaeological Excavations: A Fieldguide to the Methology, Recording Techniques and Conventions, London: GHP, ISBN 978-1-906137-17-5

• Pauketat, T. R. (2001), “Practice and History in Archaeology: An Emerging Paradigm”, Anthropological Theory 1: 73–98, doi:10.1177/14634990122228638 • Redman, C. L. (1974), Archaeological Sampling Strategies, Binghamton: State University of New York at Binghamton • Renfrew, C. & Bahn, P. G. (1991), Archaeology: Theories, Methods, and Practice, London: Thames and Hudson Ltd, ISBN 0-500-27867-9, OCLC 185808200 34521234 • Saraydar, S. & Shimada, I. (1971), “A Quantitative Comparison of Efficiency Between A Stone Axe and A Steel Axe”, American Antiquity 36 (2): 216–217, doi:10.2307/278680, JSTOR 278680 • Saraydar, S. C. & Shimada, I. (1973), “Experimental Archaeology: A New Outlook”, American Antiquity 38 (3): 344–350, doi:10.2307/279722, JSTOR 279722 • Sellet, F., Greaves, R. & Yu, P.-L. (2006), Archaeology and Ethnoarchaeology of Mobility, Gainesville: University Press of Florida • Shanks, M. & Tilley, C. (1987), Reconstructing Archaeology, New York: Cambridge university Press • Shanks, M. & Tilley, C. (1988), Social Theory and Archaeology, Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, ISBN 0-7456-0184-7, OCLC 16465065 185783860 • Shanks, M. (1991), “Some recent approaches to style and social reconstruction in classical archaeology”, Archaeological Review from Cambridge 10: 164–174

• Taylor, W. W. (1948), A Study of Archaeology, Menasha: American Anthropological Association, ISBN 0-906367-12-3, OCLC 9714935 • Tilley, Christopher, ed. (1993), Interpretive Archaeology, Oxford: Berg, ISBN 0-85496-842-3, OCLC 185494001 26263158 • Trigger, B. G. (1989), A History of Archaeological Thought, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press • Watters, M.R. (1992), Principles of Geoarchaeology: A North American Perspective, Tucson: The University of Arizona Press • Watters, M.R. (2000), “Alluvial stratigraphy and geoarchaeology in the American Southwest”, Geoarchaeology 15 (6): 537–557, doi:10.1002/1520-6548(200008)15:6<537::AIDGEA5>3.0.CO;2-E • Willey, G. R. (1953), Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Virú Valley, Perú, Washington DC • Willey, G. (1968), Settlement Archaeology, Palo Alto: National Press • Wylie, A. (1985), “The Reaction Against Analogy”, in Schiffer, Michael B., Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory, Orlando, FL: Academic Press, pp. 63–111 • Yellen, J. & Harpending, H. (1972), “HunterGatherer Populations and Archaeological Inference”, World Archaeology 4 (2): 244–253, doi:10.1080/00438243.1972.9979535 • Yellen, J. (1977), Archaeological Approaches to the Present, New York: Academic Press, ISBN 0-12770350-0, OCLC 2911020

2.3. CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY

2.2.11

Further reading

Main articles: Bibliography of anthropology and Table of years in archaeology

45

2.2.12 External links • 400,000 records of archaeological sites and architecture in England • Archaeolog.org

• Archaeology (magazine) • Lewis Binford - New Perspectives in Archaeology (1968) ISBN 0-202-33022-2 • Glyn Daniel - A Short History of Archaeology (1991) • Kevin Greene - Introduction to Archaeology (1983)

• Archaeological news updated daily • Archaeology Daily News • Archaeology Times | The top archaeology news from around the world • Council for British Archaeology • Estudio de Museología Rosario

• Thomas Hester, Harry Shafer, and Kenneth L. Feder - Field Methods in Archaeology 7th edition (1997)

• Fasti Online - an online database of archaeological sites

• Ian Hodder & Scott Hutson - “Reading the Past” 3rd. edition (2003)

• Great Archaeology

• Rich Hutchings and Marina La Salle. 2014. Teaching Anti-Colonial Archaeology. Archaeologies: The Journal of the World Archaeological Congress 10(1): 27-69.

• NPS Archeology Program: (Archeology travel guides)

• International Journal of South American Archaeology - IJSA (magazine)

• The Archaeological Institute of America

• Internet Archaeology, e-journal • C. U. Larsen - Sites and Monuments (1992) • Adrian Praetzellis - Death by Theory, AltaMira Press (2000). ISBN 0-7425-0359-3 / 9780742503595 • Colin Renfrew & Paul Bahn - Archaeology: theories, methods and practice, 2nd edition (1996) • Smekalova, T. N.; Voss O.; & Smekalov S. L. (2008). "Magnetic Surveying in Archaeology. More than 10 years of using the Overha GSM19 gradiometer”. Wormianum. • David Hurst Thomas - Archaeology, 3rd. edition (1998) • Robert J. Sharer & Wendy Ashmore - Archaeology: Discovering our Past 2nd edition (1993)

• Kite Aerial Photographers - Archaeology Visit Archeology

• Sri Lanka Archaeology - New Knowledge in Archaeology in Sri Lanka

• The Archaeology Channel • The Archaeology Data Service - Open access online archive for UK and global archaeology • The Archaeology Division of the American Anthropological Association • The Canadian Museum of Civilization - Archaeology • The Society for American Archaeology • The World Archaeological Congress • US Forest Service Volunteer program port in Time • World Archaeology News - weekly update from BBC Radio archaeologist, Win Scutt

2.3 Cultural anthropology

Cultural anthropology is a branch of anthropology fo• Bruce Trigger - “A History of Archaeological cused on the study of cultural variation among humans and is in contrast to social anthropology which perceives Thought” 2nd. edition (2007) cultural variation as a subset of the anthropological con• Alison Wylie - Thinking From Things: Essays in the stant. Philosophy of Archaeology, University of California A variety of methods are part of anthropological methodPress, Berkeley CA, 2002 ology, including participant observation (often called

46

CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES

fieldwork because it involves the anthropologist spend- The critique of evolutionism ing an extended period of time at the research location), Anthropology is concerned with the lives of people within interviews, and surveys.[1] different parts of the world, particularly in relation to One of the earliest articulations of the anthropological the discourse of beliefs and practices. In addressing this meaning of the term “culture” came from Sir Edward question, ethnologists in the 19th century divided into two Tylor who writes on the first page of his 1897 book: schools of thought. Some, like Grafton Elliot Smith, ar“Culture, or civilization, taken in its broad, ethnographic gued that different groups must somehow have learned sense, is that complex whole which includes knowledge, from one another, however indirectly; in other words, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities [2] they argued that cultural traits spread from one place to and habits acquired by man as a member of society.” another, or "diffused". The term “civilization” later gave way to definitions by V. Gordon Childe, with culture forming an umbrella term and civilization becoming a particular kind of culture.[3] The anthropological concept of “culture” reflects in part a reaction against earlier Western discourses based on an opposition between "culture" and "nature", according to which some human beings lived in a “state of nature”. Anthropologists have argued that culture is “human nature”, and that all people have a capacity to classify experiences, encode classifications symbolically (i.e. in language), and teach such abstractions to others. Since humans acquire culture through the learning processes of enculturation and socialization, people living in different places or different circumstances develop different cultures. Anthropologists have also pointed out that through culture people can adapt to their environment in non-genetic ways, so people living in different environments will often have different cultures. Much of anthropological theory has originated in an appreciation of and interest in the tension between the local (particular cultures) and the global (a universal human nature, or the web of connections between people in distinct places/circumstances).[4]

In the unilineal evolution model at left, all cultures progress through set stages, while in the multilineal evolution model at right, distinctive culture histories are emphasized.

Other ethnologists argued that different groups had the capability of creating similar beliefs and practices independently. Some of those who advocated “independent invention”, like Lewis Henry Morgan, additionally supposed that similarities meant that different groups had ed through the same stages of cultural evolution (See also classical social evolutionism). Morgan, in particular, acknowledged that certain forms of society and culture could not possibly have arisen before others. For example, industrial farming could not have been invented before simple farming, and metallurgy could not have developed without previous non-smelting processes involving metals (such as simple ground collection or mining). Morgan, like other 19th century social evolutionists, believed there was a more or less orderly progression from the primitive to the civilized.

The rise of cultural anthropology occurred within the context of the late 19th century, when questions regarding which cultures were “primitive” and which were “civilized” occupied the minds of not only Marx and Freud, but many others. Colonialism and its processes increasingly brought European thinkers in , directly or indirectly with “primitive others.”[5] The relative status of various humans, some of whom had modern advanced technologies that included engines and telegraphs, while others lacked anything but face-to-face communication techniques and still lived a Paleolithic lifestyle, was of in20th-century anthropologists largely reject the notion that terest to the first generation of cultural anthropologists. all human societies must through the same stages in Parallel with the rise of cultural anthropology in the the same order, on the grounds that such a notion does not United States, social anthropology, in which sociality is fit the empirical facts. Some 20th-century ethnologists, the central concept and which focuses on the study of solike Julian Steward, have instead argued that such simcial statuses and roles, groups, institutions, and the reilarities reflected similar adaptations to similar environlations among them—developed as an academic disciments. Although 19th-century ethnologists saw “difpline in Britain and in .[6] An umbrella term sociofusion” and “independent invention” as mutually exclucultural anthropology makes reference to both cultural sive and competing theories, most ethnographers quickly and social anthropology traditions.[7] reached a consensus that both processes occur, and that both can plausibly for cross-cultural similarities. But these ethnographers also pointed out the superficial2.3.1 Theoretical foundations ity of many such similarities. They noted that even traits

2.3. CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY that spread through diffusion often were given different meanings and function from one society to another. Analyses of large human concentrations in big cities, in multidisciplinary studies by Ronald Daus, show how new methods may be applied to the understanding of man living in a global world and how it was caused by the action of extra-European nations, so high-lighting the role of Ethics in modern anthropology.

47 one’s culture may mediate and thus limit one’s perceptions in less obvious ways. This understanding of culture confronts anthropologists with two problems: first, how to escape the unconscious bonds of one’s own culture, which inevitably bias our perceptions of and reactions to the world, and second, how to make sense of an unfamiliar culture. The principle of cultural relativism thus forced anthropologists to develop innovative methods and heuristic strategies.

Accordingly, most of these anthropologists showed less interest in comparing cultures, generalizing about human nature, or discovering universal laws of cultural develop- Theoretical approaches ment, than in understanding particular cultures in those cultures’ own . Such ethnographers and their stu- 2.3.2 Foundational thinkers dents promoted the idea of "cultural relativism", the view that one can only understand another person’s beliefs and behaviors in the context of the culture in which he or she lived or lives. Others, such as Claude Lévi-Strauss (who was influenced both by American cultural anthropology and by French Durkheimian sociology), have argued that apparently similar patterns of development reflect fundamental similarities in the structure of human thought (see structuralism). By the mid-20th century, the number of examples of people skipping stages, such as going from hunter-gatherers to post-industrial service occupations in one generation, were so numerous that 19th-century evolutionism was effectively disproved.[8] Cultural relativism Main article: Cultural relativism Cultural relativism is a principle that was established as axiomatic in anthropological research by Franz Boas and later popularized by his students. Boas first articulated the idea in 1887: "...civilization is not something absolute, but ... is relative, and ... our ideas and conceptions are true only so far as our civilization goes.”[9] Although, Boas did not coin the term, it became common among anthropologists after Boas’ death in 1942, to express their synthesis of a number of ideas Boas had developed. Boas believed that the sweep of cultures, to be found in connection with any sub-species, is so vast and pervasive that there cannot be a relationship between culture and race.[10] Cultural relativism involves specific epistemological and methodological claims. Whether or not these claims require a specific ethical stance is a matter of debate. This principle should not be confused with moral relativism. Cultural relativism was in part a response to Western ethnocentrism. Ethnocentrism may take obvious forms, in which one consciously believes that one’s people’s arts are the most beautiful, values the most virtuous, and beliefs the most truthful. Franz Boas, originally trained in physics and geography, and heavily influenced by the thought of Kant, Herder, and von Humboldt, argued that

Edward Burnett Tylor

Boas and his students realized that if they were to conduct scientific research in other cultures, they would need to employ methods that would help them escape the limits of their own ethnocentrism. One such method is that of ethnography: basically, they advocated living with people of another culture for an extended period of time, so that they could learn the local language and be enculturated, at least partially, into that culture. In this context, cultural relativism is of fundamental methodological importance, because it calls attention to the importance of the local context in understanding the meaning of particular human beliefs and activities. Thus, in 1948 Virginia Heyer wrote, “Cultural relativity, to phrase it in starkest abstraction, states the relativity of the part to the whole. The part gains its cultural significance by its place in the whole, and cannot retain its integrity in

48 a different situation.”[11] Lewis Henry Morgan Lewis Henry Morgan (1818–1881), a lawyer from Rochester, New York, became an advocate for and ethnological scholar of the Iroquois. His comparative analyses of religion, government, material culture, and especially kinship patterns proved to be influential contributions to the field of anthropology. Like other scholars of his day (such as Edward Tylor), Morgan argued that human societies could be classified into categories of cultural evolution on a scale of progression that ranged from savagery, to barbarism, to civilization. Generally, Morgan used technology (such as bowmaking or pottery) as an indicator of position on this scale.

CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES how little “civilization” they had. He believed that each culture has to be studied in its particularity, and argued that cross-cultural generalizations, like those made in the natural sciences, were not possible. In doing so, he fought discrimination against immigrants, blacks, and indigenous peoples of the Americas.[12] Many American anthropologists adopted his agenda for social reform, and theories of race continue to be popular subjects for anthropologists today. The so-called “Four Field Approach” has its origins in Boasian Anthropology, dividing the discipline in the four crucial and interrelated fields of sociocultural, biological, linguistic, and archaic anthropology (e.g. archaeology). Anthropology in the United States continues to be deeply influenced by the Boasian tradition, especially its emphasis on culture.

Franz Boas, founder of the modern discipline

Margaret Mead (1901-1978)

Kroeber, Mead and Benedict Franz Boas, one of the pioneers of modern anthropology, often called the “Father of American Anthropology”

Franz Boas established academic anthropology in the United States in opposition to this sort of evolutionary perspective. His approach was empirical, skeptical of overgeneralizations, and eschewed attempts to establish universal laws. For example, Boas studied immigrant children to demonstrate that biological race was not immutable, and that human conduct and behavior resulted from nurture, rather than nature.

Boas used his positions at Columbia University and the American Museum of Natural History to train and develop multiple generations of students. His first generation of students included Alfred Kroeber, Robert Lowie, Edward Sapir and Ruth Benedict, who each produced richly detailed studies of indigenous North American cultures. They provided a wealth of details used to attack the theory of a single evolutionary process. Kroeber and Sapir’s focus on Native American languages helped establish linguistics as a truly general science and free it from its historical focus on Indo-European languages.

Influenced by the German tradition, Boas argued that The publication of Alfred Kroeber's textbook, Anthrothe world was full of distinct cultures, rather than soci- pology, marked a turning point in American anthropoleties whose evolution could be measured by how much or ogy. After three decades of amassing material, Boasians

2.3. CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY

49 and practiced by Marshall Sahlins and George Dalton challenged standard neoclassical economics to take of cultural and social factors, and employed Marxian analysis into anthropological study. In England, British Social Anthropology’s paradigm began to fragment as Max Gluckman and Peter Worsley experimented with Marxism and authors such as Rodney Needham and Edmund Leach incorporated Lévi-Strauss’s structuralism into their work. Structuralism also influenced a number of developments in 1960s and 1970s, including cognitive anthropology and componential analysis. In keeping with the times, much of anthropology became politicized through the Algerian War of Independence and opposition to the Vietnam War;[13] Marxism became an increasingly popular theoretical approach in the discipline.[14] By the 1970s the authors of volumes such as Reinventing Anthropology worried about anthropology’s relevance.

Ruth Benedict in 1937

felt a growing urge to generalize. This was most obvious in the 'Culture and Personality' studies carried out by younger Boasians such as Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict. Influenced by psychoanalytic psychologists including Sigmund Freud and Carl Jung, these authors sought to understand the way that individual personalities were shaped by the wider cultural and social forces in which they grew up.

Since the 1980s issues of power, such as those examined in Eric Wolf's Europe and the People Without History, have been central to the discipline. In the 1980s books like Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter pondered anthropology’s ties to colonial inequality, while the immense popularity of theorists such as Antonio Gramsci and Michel Foucault moved issues of power and hegemony into the spotlight. Gender and sexuality became popular topics, as did the relationship between history and anthropology, influenced by Marshall Sahlins (again), who drew on Lévi-Strauss and Fernand Braudel to examine the relationship between symbolic meaning, sociocultural structure, and individual agency in the processes of historical transformation. Jean and John Comaroff produced a whole generation of anthropologists at the University of Chicago that focused on these themes. Also influential in these issues were Nietzsche, Heidegger, the critical theory of the Frankfurt School, Derrida and Lacan.[15]

Though such works as Coming of Age in Samoa and The Chrysanthemum and the Sword remain popular with the American public, Mead and Benedict never had the impact on the discipline of anthropology that some expected. Boas had planned for Ruth Benedict to succeed him as chair of Columbia’s anthropology department, but she was sidelined by Ralph Linton, and Mead was limited Geertz, Schneider and interpretive anthropology to her offices at the AMNH. Main articles: Clifford Geertz and David M. Schneider Wolf, Sahlins, Mintz and political economy

Many anthropologists reacted against the renewed emphasis on materialism and scientific modelling derived Main articles: Political Economy in anthropology, Eric from Marx by emphasizing the importance of the concept Wolf, Marshall Sahlins and Sidney Mintz of culture. Authors such as David Schneider, Clifford Geertz, and Marshall Sahlins developed a more fleshedIn the 1950s and mid-1960s anthropology tended increas- out concept of culture as a web of meaning or significaingly to model itself after the natural sciences. Some an- tion, which proved very popular within and beyond the thropologists, such as Lloyd Fallers and Clifford Geertz, discipline. Geertz was to state: focused on processes of modernization by which newly independent states could develop. Others, such as Julian “Believing, with Max Weber, that man is Steward and Leslie White, focused on how societies an animal suspended in webs of significance evolve and fit their ecological niche—an approach pophe himself has spun, I take culture to be those ularized by Marvin Harris. webs, and the analysis of it to be therefore not Economic anthropology as influenced by Karl Polanyi

an experimental science in search of law but an

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CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES interpretive one in search of meaning.” — Clifford Geertz[16]

involves the organized comparison of human societies. Scholars like E.B. Tylor and J.G. Frazer in England worked mostly with materials collected by others – usuGeertz’s interpretive method involved what he called ally missionaries, traders, explorers, or colonial officials "thick description.” The cultural symbols of rituals, po- – earning them the moniker of “arm-chair anthropololitical and economic action, and of kinship, are “read” by gists”. the anthropologist as if they are a document in a foreign language. The interpretation of those symbols must be re-framed for their anthropological audience, i.e. transformed from the “experience-near” but foreign concepts of the other culture, into the “experience-distant” theoretical concepts of the anthropologist. These interpretations must then be reflected back to its originators, and its Participant observation adequacy as a translation fine-tuned in a repeated way, a process called the hermeneutic circle. Geertz applied his method in a number of areas, creating programs of study Main article: Participant observation that were very productive. His analysis of “religion as a cultural system” was particularly influential outside of an- Participant observation is a widely used methodology in thropology. David Schnieder’s cultural analysis of Amer- many disciplines, particularly cultural anthropology, less ican kinship has proven equally influential.[17] Schneider so in sociology, communication studies, and social psydemonstrated that the American folk-cultural emphasis chology. Its aim is to gain a close and intimate familiaron “blood connections” had an undue influence on an- ity with a given group of individuals (such as a religious, thropological kinship theories, and that kinship is not a occupational, sub cultural group, or a particular commubiological characteristic but a cultural relationship estab- nity) and their practices through an intensive involvement lished on very different in different societies.[18] with people in their cultural environment, usually over an Prominent British symbolic anthropologists include extended period of time. The method originated in the field research of social anthropologists, especially BroVictor Turner and Mary Douglas. nislaw Malinowski in Britain, the students of Franz Boas in the United States, and in the later urban research of the The post-modern turn Chicago School of sociology. Such research involves a range of well-defined, though variable methods: informal interviews, direct observation, participation in the life of the group, collective discussions, analyses of personal documents produced within the group, self-analysis, results from activities undertaken off or online, and life-histories. Although the method is generally characterized as qualitative research, it can (and often does) include quantitative dimensions. Traditional participant observation is usually undertaken over an extended period of time, ranging from several months to many years, and even generations. An extended research time period means that the researcher is able to obtain more detailed and accurate information about the individuals, community, and/or population under study. Observable details (like daily time allotment) and more hidden details (like taboo behavior) are more easily observed and interpreted over a longer period of time. A strength of observation and interaction over extended periods of time is that researchers can discover discrepancies between what participants say—and often believe—should happen (the formal system) and what actually does happen, Socio-cultural anthropology subfields or between different aspects of the formal system; in contrast, a one-time survey of people’s answers to a set of questions might be quite consistent, but is less 2.3.3 Methods likely to show conflicts between different aspects of the Modern cultural anthropology has its origins in, and de- social system or between conscious representations and veloped in reaction to, 19th century "ethnology", which behavior.[22]

In the late 1980s and 1990s authors such as George Marcus and James Clifford pondered ethnographic authority, in particular how and why anthropological knowledge was possible and authoritative. They were reflecting trends in research and discourse initiated by Feminists in the academy, although they excused themselves from commenting specifically on those pioneering critics.[19] Nevertheless, key aspects of feminist theorizing and methods became de rigueur as part of the 'post-modern moment' in anthropology: Ethnographies became more interpretative and reflexive,[20] explicitly addressing the author’s methodology, cultural, gender and racial positioning, and their influence on his or her ethnographic analysis. This was part of a more general trend of postmodernism that was popular contemporaneously.[21] Currently anthropologists pay attention to a wide variety of issues pertaining to the contemporary world, including globalization, medicine and biotechnology, indigenous rights, virtual communities, and the anthropology of industrialized societies.

2.3. CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY Ethnography

Main article: Ethnography In the 20th century, most cultural and social anthropologists turned to the crafting of ethnographies. An ethnography is a piece of writing about a people, at a particular place and time. Typically, the anthropologist lives among people in another society for a period of time, simultaneously participating in and observing the social and cultural life of the group. Numerous other ethnographic techniques have resulted in ethnographic writing or details being preserved, as cultural anthropologists also curate materials, spend long hours in libraries, churches and schools poring over records, investigate graveyards, and decipher ancient scripts. A typical ethnography will also include information about physical geography, climate and habitat. It is meant to be a holistic piece of writing about the people in question, and today often includes the longest possible timeline of past events that the ethnographer can obtain through primary and secondary research. Bronisław Malinowski developed the ethnographic method, and Franz Boas taught it in the United States. Boas’ students such as Alfred L. Kroeber, Ruth Benedict and Margaret Mead drew on his conception of culture and cultural relativism to develop cultural anthropology in the United States. Simultaneously, Malinowski and A.R. Radcliffe Brown´s students were developing social anthropology in the United Kingdom. Whereas cultural anthropology focused on symbols and values, social anthropology focused on social groups and institutions. Today socio-cultural anthropologists attend to all these elements.

51 Cross-cultural comparison One means by which anthropologists combat ethnocentrism is to engage in the process of cross-cultural comparison. It is important to test so-called “human universals” against the ethnographic record. Monogamy, for example, is frequently touted as a universal human trait, yet comparative study shows that it is not. The Human Relations Area Files, Inc. (HRAF) is a research agency based at Yale University. Since 1949, its mission has been to encourage and facilitate worldwide comparative studies of human culture, society, and behavior in the past and present. The name came from the Institute of Human Relations, an interdisciplinary program/building at Yale at the time. The Institute of Human Relations had sponsored HRAF’s precursor, the Cross-Cultural Survey (see George Peter Murdock), as part of an effort to develop an integrated science of human behavior and culture. The two eHRAF databases on the Web are expanded and updated annually. eHRAF World Cultures includes materials on cultures, past and present, and covers nearly 400 cultures. The second database, eHRAF Archaeology, covers major archaeological traditions and many more subtraditions and sites around the world. Comparison across cultures includies the industrialized (or de-industrialized) West. Cultures in the more traditional standard cross-cultural sample of small scale societies are:

Multi-sited ethnography Ethnography dominates socio-cultural anthropology. Nevertheless, many contemporary socio-cultural anthropologists have rejected earlier models of ethnography as treating local cultures as bounded and isolated. These anthropologists continue to concern themselves with the distinct ways people in different locales experience and understand their lives, but they often argue that one cannot understand these particular ways of life solely from a local perspective; they instead combine a focus on the local with an effort to grasp larger political, economic, and cultural frameworks that impact local lived realities. Notable proponents of this approach include Arjun Appadurai, James Clifford, George Marcus, Sidney Mintz, Michael Taussig, Eric Wolf and Ronald Daus.

In the early 20th century, socio-cultural anthropology developed in different forms in Europe and in the United States. European "social anthropologists" focused on observed social behaviors and on “social structure”, that is, on relationships among social roles (for example, husband and wife, or parent and child) and social institutions (for A growing trend in anthropological research and analexample, religion, economy, and politics). American “cultural anthropologists” focused on the ways ysis is the use of multi-sited ethnography, discussed in people expressed their view of themselves and their George Marcus’ article, “Ethnography In/Of the World world, especially in symbolic forms, such as art and System: the Emergence of Multi-Sited Ethnography”. myths. These two approaches frequently converged and Looking at culture as embedded in macro-constructions generally complemented one another. For example, of a global social order, multi-sited ethnography uses trakinship and leadership function both as symbolic systems ditional methodology in various locations both spatially and as social institutions. Today almost all socio-cultural and temporally. Through this methodology, greater inanthropologists refer to the work of both sets of prede- sight can be gained when examining the impact of worldcessors, and have an equal interest in what people do and systems on local and global communities. in what people say.

Also emerging in multi-sited ethnography are greater in-

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terdisciplinary approaches to fieldwork, bringing in methods from cultural studies, media studies, science and technology studies, and others. In multi-sited ethnography, research tracks a subject across spatial and temporal boundaries. For example, a multi-sited ethnography may follow a “thing,” such as a particular commodity, as it is transported through the networks of global capitalism.

• Intangible Cultural Heritage • List of important publications in anthropology • Nomads • Shame society vs Guilt society

• Sociology Multi-sited ethnography may also follow ethnic groups in diaspora, stories or rumours that appear in multiple locations and in multiple time periods, metaphors that ap- 2.3.5 References pear in multiple ethnographic locations, or the biographies of individual people or groups as they move through [1] “In his earlier work, like many anthropologists of this genspace and time. It may also follow conflicts that transcend eration, Levi-Strauss draws attention to the necessary and boundaries. An example of multi-sited ethnography is urgent task of maintaining and extending the empirical foundations of anthropology in the practice of fieldwork.": Nancy Scheper-Hughes' work on the international black In Christopher Johnson, Claude Levi-Strauss: the formamarket for the trade of human organs. In this research, tive years, Cambridge University Press, 2003, p.31 she follows organs as they are transferred through various legal and illegal networks of capitalism, as well as the ru[2] Tylor, Edward. 1920 [1871]. Primitive Culture. Vol 1. mours and urban legends that circulate in impoverished New York: J.P. Putnam’s Sons. communities about child kidnapping and organ theft. Sociocultural anthropologists have increasingly turned their investigative eye on to “Western” culture. For example, Philippe Bourgois won the Margaret Mead Award in 1997 for In Search of Respect, a study of the entrepreneurs in a Harlem crack-den. Also growing more popular are ethnographies of professional communities, such as laboratory researchers, Wall Street investors, law firms, or information technology (IT) computer employees.[23]

[3] Sherratt, Andrew V. “Gordon Childe: Archaeology and Intellectual History”, Past and Present, No. 125.

2.3.4

• Community studies

[7] Campbell, D.T. (1983) The two distinct routes beyond kin selection to ultrasociality: Implications for the Humanities and Social Sciences. In: The Nature of Prosocial Development: Theories and Strategies D. Bridgeman (ed.), pp. 11-39, Academic Press, New York

• Communitas

[8] Diamond, Jared. Guns, Germs and Steel.

• Cross-cultural studies

[9] Franz Boas 1887 “Museums of Ethnology and their classification” Science 9: 589

See also

• Age-area hypothesis

• Cross-cultural psychology • Cultural psychology • Cyber anthropology • Dual inheritance theory • Engaged theory • Ethnobotany • Ethnography • Ethnomusicology • Ethnozoology • Human behavioral ecology • Human Relations Area Files • Hunter-gatherers

[4] Giulio Angioni (2011). Fare dire sentire: l'identico e il diverso nelle culture. Nuoro: il Maestrale [5] Rosaldo, Renato. Culture and Truth. 1993. Beach Press. [6] Dianteill, Erwan, “Cultural Anthropology or Social Anthropology? A Transatlantic Dispute”, L’Année sociologique 1/2012 (Vol. 62), p. 93-122.

[10] http://www.utpa.edu/faculty/mglazer/theory/cultural_ relativism.htm [11] Heyer, Virginia 1948 “In Reply to Elgin Williams” in American Anthropologist 50(1) 163-166 [12] Stocking, George W. (1968) Race, Culture, and Evolution: Essays in the history of anthropology. London: The Free Press. [13] Fanon, Frantz. (1963) The Wretched of the Earth, transl. Constance Farrington. New York, Grove Weidenfeld. [14] Nugent, Stephen Some reflections on anthropological structural Marxism The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Volume 13, Number 2, June 2007, pp. 419-431(13) [15] Lewis, Herbert S. (1998) The Misrepresentation of Anthropology and its Consequences American Anthropologist 100:" 716-731

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[16] Geertz, Clifford (1973). The Interpretation of Cultures. Basic Books. p. 5. [17] Roseberry, William (1989). “Balinese Cockfights and the Seduction of Anthropology” in Anthropologies and Histories: essays in culture, history and political economy. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. pp. 17–28. [18] Carsten, Janet (2004). After Kinship. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 18–20. [19] Clifford, James and George E. Marcus (1986) Writing culture: the poetics and politics of ethnography. Berkeley: University of California Press. [20] Dolores Janiewski, Lois W. Banner (2005) Reading Benedict / Reading Mead: Feminism, Race, and Imperial Visions, p.200 quotation: Within anthropology’s “two cultures”— the positivist/objectivist style of comparative anthropology versus a reflexive/interpretative anthropology—Mead has been characterized as a “humanist” heir to Franz Boas’s historical particularism—hence, associated with the practices of interpretation and reflexivity [...]

[21] Gellner, Ernest (1992) Postmodernism, Reason, and Religion. London/New York: Routledge. Pp: 26-50 [22] DeWalt, K. M., DeWalt, B. R., & Wayland, C. B. (1998). “Participant observation.” In H. R. Bernard (Ed.), Handbook of methods in cultural anthropology. Pp: 259-299. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press. [23] Dissertation Abstract

2.3.6

External links

• Template:Wikibooks-inlineCultural Anthropology • Human Relations Area Files • A Basic Guide to Cross-Cultural Research • Webpage “History of German ogy/Ethnology 1945/49-1990

Anthropol-

2.4 Cultural history Cultural history combines the approaches of anthropology and history to look at popular cultural traditions and cultural interpretations of historical experience. It examines the records and narrative descriptions of past knowledge, customs, and arts of a group of people. Its subject matter encomes the continuum of events occurring in succession leading from the past to the present and even into the future pertaining to a culture. Cultural history records and interprets past events involving human beings through the social, cultural, and political milieu of or relating to the arts and manners that a group favors. Jacob Burckhardt helped found cultural history as a discipline. Cultural history studies and interprets the record of human societies by denoting the various distinctive ways of living built up by a group of people under consideration. Cultural history involves the aggregate of past cultural activity, such as ceremony, class in practices, and the interaction with locales.

2.4.1 Description Cultural history overlaps in its approaches with the French movements of histoire des mentalités (Philippe Poirrier, 2004) and the so-called new history, and in the U.S. it is closely associated with the field of American studies. As originally conceived and practiced by 19th Century Swiss historian Jakob Burckhardt with regard to the Italian Renaissance, cultural history was oriented to the study of a particular historical period in its entirety, with regard not only for its painting, sculpture and architecture, but for the economic basis underpinning society, and the social institutions of its daily life as well.[1] Most often the focus is on phenomena shared by nonelite groups in a society, such as: carnival, festival, and public rituals; performance traditions of tale, epic, and other verbal forms; cultural evolutions in human relations (ideas, sciences, arts, techniques); and cultural expressions of social movements such as nationalism. Also examines main historical concepts as power, ideology, class, culture, cultural identity, attitude, race, perception and new historical methods as narration of body. Many studies consider adaptations of traditional culture to mass media (television, radio, newspapers, magazines, posters, etc.), from print to film and, now, to the Internet (culture of capitalism). Its modern approaches come from art history, Annales, Marxist school, microhistory and new cultural history.

• The Moving Anthropology Student Networkwebsite - The site offers tutorials, information on the subject, discussion-forums and a large link-collection for all interested scholars of cultural Common theoretical touchstones for recent cultural hisanthropology tory have included: Jürgen Habermas's formulation of • Hungarian military forces in Africa – past and fu- the public sphere in The Structural Transformation of the ture. Recovering lost knowledge, exploiting cultural Bourgeois Public Sphere; Clifford Geertz's notion of 'thick anthropology resources, creating a comprehensive description' (expounded in, for example, The Interpretation of Cultures); and the idea of memory as a culturalsystem of training and preparation

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historical category, as discussed in Paul Connerton's How 2.4.3 See also Societies . • Collective unconscious • History of mentalities Historiography and the French Revolution

• Ethnohistory

An area where new-style cultural history is often pointed to as being almost a paradigm is the 'revisionist' his- 2.4.4 References tory of the French Revolution, dated somewhere since [1] Siegfried Giedion, Space, Time and Architecture (6th ed.), François Furet's massively influential 1978 essay Interp 3. preting the French Revolution. The 'revisionist interpretation' is often characterised as replacing the allegedly dominant, allegedly Marxist, 'social interpretation' which 2.4.5 Further reading locate the causes of the Revolution in class dynamics. The revisionist approach has tended to put more empha• Arcangeli, Alessandro. (2011) Cultural History: A sis on 'political culture'. Reading ideas of political culture Concise Introduction (Routledge, 2011) through Habermas’ conception of the public sphere, his• Burke, Peter. (2004). What is Cultural History?. torians of the Revolution in the past few decades have Cambridge: Polity Press. looked at the role and position of cultural themes such as gender, ritual, and ideology in the context of pre• Cook, James W., et al. The Cultural Turn in U. S. revolutionary French political culture. History: Past, Present, and Future (2009) excerpt; Historians who might be grouped under this umbrella 14 topical essays by scholars are Roger Chartier, Robert Darnton, Patrice Higonnet, • Ginzburg, Carlo (1989). Clues, Myths and the HisLynn Hunt, Keith Baker, Joan Landes, Mona Ozouf and torical Method. Johns Hopkins University Press. Sarah Maza. Of course, these scholars all pursue fairly diISBN 0-8018-4388-X. Ginzburg “challenges us all verse interests, and perhaps too much emphasis has been to retrieve a cultural and social world that more conplaced on the paradigmatic nature of the new history of ventional history does not record.” -Back Cover the French Revolution. Colin Jones, for example, is no stranger to cultural history, Habermas, or Marxism, and • Hérubel, Jean-Pierre V.M. (2010, January). “Obhas persistently argued that the Marxist interpretation is servations on an Emergent Specialization: Contemnot dead, but can be revivified; after all, Habermas’ logic porary French Cultural History. Significance for was heavily indebted to a Marxist understanding. MeanScholarship.” Journal of Scholarly Publishing 41#2 while, Rebecca Spang has also recently argued that for pp. 216–240. all its emphasis on difference and newness, the 'revisionist' approach retains the idea of the French Revolution as • Kelly, Michael. “Le regard de l’étranger: What a watershed in the history of (so-called) modernity, and French cultural studies brings to French cultural histhat the problematic notion of 'modernity' has itself attory.” French Cultural Studies (2014) 25#3-4 pp: tracted scant attention. 253-261.

2.4.2

Cultural studies

Cultural studies is an academic discipline popular among a diverse group of scholars. It combines political economy, geography, sociology, social theory, literary theory, film/video studies, cultural anthropology, philosophy, and art history/criticism to study cultural phenomena in various societies. Cultural studies researchers often concentrate on how a particular phenomenon relates to matters of ideology, nationality, ethnicity, social class, and/or gender. The term was coined by Richard Hoggart in 1964 when he founded the Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies. It has since become strongly associated with Stuart Hall, who succeeded Hoggart as Director.

• Kırlı, Cengiz. “From Economic History to Cultural History in Ottoman Studies.” International Journal of Middle East Studies (2014) 46#2 pp: 376-378. • McCaffery, Peter Gabriel, and Ben Marsden, eds. The Cultural History Reader (Routledge, 2014) • Melching, W., & Velema, W. (1994). Main trends in cultural history: ten essays. Amsterdam: Rodopi. • Morris, I. (1999). Archaeology as Cultural History: Words and Things in Iron Age Greece. Blackwell Publishing. • Munslow, Alun (1997). Deconstructing History. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-13192-8 • Poirrier, Philippe (2004), Les Enjeux de l’histoire culturelle, Seuil.

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• Poster, M. (1997). Cultural history and postmodernity: disciplinary readings and challenges. New York: Columbia University Press. • Ritter, H. (1986). Dictionary of concepts in history. Reference sources for the social sciences and humanities, no. 3. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press. • Salmi, H. (2011). “Cultural History, the Possible, and the Principle of Plenitude.” History and Theory 50 (May 2011), 171-187. • Schlereth, T. J. (1990). Cultural history and material culture: everyday life, landscapes, museums. American material culture and folklife. Ann Arbor, Mich: UMI Research Press. • Spang, Rebecca. (2008). “Paradigms and Paranoia: how modern is the French Revolution]?" American Historical Review, in JSTOR

2.4.6

External links

• International Society for Cultural History

Emigrants Leave Ireland depicting the emigration to America following the Great Famine in Ireland.

• Web Portal on Historical Culture and Historiogra2.5.1 phy

2.5 Diaspora For other uses, see Diaspora (disambiguation). A diaspora (from Greek διασπορά, “scattering, dispersion”)[1] is a scattered population with a common origin in a smaller geographic locale. Diaspora can also refer to the movement of the population from its original homeland.[2][3] Diaspora has come to refer particularly to historical mass dispersions of an involuntary nature, such as the expulsion of Jews from Judea, the fleeing of Greeks after the fall of Constantinople, the African Trans-Atlantic slave trade, the southern Chinese or Hindus of South Asia during the coolie trade, the deportation of Palestinians in the 20th century,[3][4] and the exile and deportation of Circassians.

Origins and development of the term

The term is derived from the Greek verb διασπείρω (diaspeirō), “I scatter”, “I spread about”[1] and that form διά (dia), “between, through, across”[1] + the verb σπείρω (speirō), “I sow, I scatter”.[1] In Ancient Greece the term διασπορά (diaspora) hence meant “scattering”[1] and was inter alia used to refer to citizens of a dominant citystate who emigrated to a conquered land with the purpose of colonization, to assimilate the territory into the empire.[5] An example of a diaspora from classical antiquity is the century-long exile of the Messenians under Spartan rule. Its use began to develop from this original sense when the Hebrew Bible was translated into Greek;[6] the first mention of a diaspora created as a result of exile is found in the Septuagint,[1] first in • Deuteronomy 28:25, in the phrase ἔσῃ ἐν διασπορᾷ ἐν πάσαις ταῖς βασιλείαις τῆς γῆς, esē en diaspora en pasais tais basileiais tēs gēs, translated to mean “thou shalt be a dispersion in all kingdoms of the earth”

Recently, scholars have distinguished between different kinds of diaspora, based on its causes such as imperialism, trade or labor migrations, or by the kind of social coherence within the diaspora community and its ties to the ancestral lands. Some diaspora communities maintain strong political ties with their homeland. and secondly in Other qualities that may be typical of many diasporas are • Psalms 146(147).2, in the phrase οἰκοδομῶν Ἰεthoughts of return, relationships with other communities ρουσαλὴμ ὁ Kύριος καὶ τὰς διασπορὰς τοῦ Ἰσin the diaspora, and lack of full integration into the host ραὴλ ἐπισυνάξει, oikodomōn Ierousalēm ho Kyrios country.[3]

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kai tas diasporas tou Israēl episynaxē, translated to Expanding definition mean “The Lord doth build up Jerusalem: he gathIn an article published in 1991, William Safran set out six ereth together the outcasts of Israel”. rules to distinguish diasporas from migrant communities. These included criteria that the group maintains a myth or collective memory of their homeland; they regard their ancestral homeland as their true home, to which they will eventually return; being committed to the restoration or maintenance of that homeland; and they relate “personSo after the Bible’s translation into Greek, the word Dias- ally or vicariously” to the homeland to a point where it pora would then have been used to refer to the Northern shapes their identity.[12][13][14] While Safran’s definitions Kingdom exiled between 740-722 BC from Israel by the were influenced by the idea of the Jewish diaspora, he Assyrians,[7] as well as Jews, Benjaminites, and Levites recognised the expanding use of the term.[15] exiled from the Southern Kingdom in 587 BCE by the Babylonians, and from Roman Judea in 70 CE by the Rogers Brubaker (2005) also notes that use of the term Roman Empire.[8] It subsequently came to be used to diaspora has been widening. He suggests that one elerefer to the historical movements of the dispersed eth- ment of this expansion in use “involves the application of nic population of Israel, to the cultural development of the term diaspora to an ever-broadening set of cases: escategory that population or to that population itself.[9] In English sentially to any and every nameable population [16] that is to some extent dispersed in space”. Brubaker when capitalized and without modifiers (that is simply, the Diaspora), the term refers specifically to the Jewish has used the WorldCat database to show that 17 out of diaspora;[2] when uncapitalized the word diaspora may the 18 books on diaspora published between 1900 and be used to refer to refugee or immigrant populations of 1910 were on the Jewish diaspora. The majority of works other origins or ethnicities living “away from an estab- in the 1960s were also about the Jewish diaspora, but in lished or ancestral homeland”.[2] The wider application 2002 only two out of 20 books sampled (out of a total case, with a total of eight of diaspora evolved from the Assyrian two-way mass de- of 253) were about the Jewish [17] different diasporas covered. portation policy of conquered populations to deny future territorial claims on their part.[10] Brubaker outlines the original use of the term diaspora as According to the Oxford English Dictionary Online, the follows: first known recorded usage of the word diaspora in the English language was in 1876 referring “extensive diaspora work (as it is termed) of evangelizing among the National Protestant Churches on the continent”.[11] The term became more widely assimilated into English by the mid 1950s, with long-term expatriates in significant numbers from other particular countries or regions also being referred to as a diaspora. An academic field, diaspora studies, has become established relating to this sense of the word. In all cases, the term diaspora carries a sense of displacement the population so described finds itself for whatever reason separated from its national territory, and usually its people have a hope, or at least a desire, to return to their homeland at some point, if the “homeland” still exists in any meaningful sense. Some writers have noted that diaspora may result in a loss of nostalgia for a single home as people “re-root” in a series of meaningful displacements. In this sense, individuals may have multiple homes throughout their diaspora, with different reasons for maintaining some form of attachment to each. Diasporic cultural development often assumes a different course from that of the population in the original place of settlement. Over time, remotely separated communities tend to vary in culture, traditions, language and other factors. The last vestiges of cultural affiliation in a diaspora is often found in community resistance to language change and in maintenance of traditional religious practice.

Most early discussions of diaspora were firmly rooted in a conceptual 'homeland'; they were concerned with a paradigmatic case, or a small number of core cases. The paradigmatic case was, of course, the Jewish diaspora; some dictionary definitions of diaspora, until recently, did not simply illustrate but defined the word with reference to that case.[18] Brubaker argues that the initial expansion of the use of the phrase extended it to other, similar cases, such as the Armenian and Greek diasporas. More recently, it has been applied to emigrant groups that continue their involvement in their homeland from overseas, such as the category of long-distance nationalists identified by Benedict Anderson. Brubaker notes that (as examples): Albanians, Basques, Hindu Indians, Irish, Japanese, Kashmiri, Koreans, Kurds, Palestinians, and Tamils have been conceptualised as diasporas in this sense. Furthermore, “labour migrants who maintain (to some degree) emotional and social ties with a homeland” have also been described as diasporas.[18] In further cases of the use of the term, “the reference to the conceptual homeland – to the 'classical' diasporas – has become more attenuated still, to the point of being lost altogether”. Here, Brubaker cites “transethnic and transborder linguistic categories...such as Francophone, Anglophone and Lusophone 'communities’", along with

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Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Confucian, Huguenot, Muslim and Catholic 'diasporas’.[19] Brubaker notes that, as of 2005, there were also academic books or articles on the Dixie, white, liberal, gay, queer and digital diasporas.[17] Some observers have labeled evacuation from New Orleans and the Gulf Coast in the wake of Hurricane Katrina the New Orleans diaspora, since a significant number of evacuees have not been able to return, yet maintain aspirations to do so.[20][21] Agnieszka Weinar (2010) notes the widening use of the term, arguing that recently, “a growing body of literature succeeded in reformulating the definition, framing diaspora as almost any population on the move and no longer referring to the specific context of their existence”.[13] It has even been noted that as charismatic Christianity becomes increasingly globalized, many Christians conceive of themselves as a diaspora, and form an imaginary that mimics salient features of ethnic diasporas.[22]

Greek Homeland and Diaspora 6th century BCE

Greek ruling classes established in Egypt, southwest Asia and northwest India.[26] Subsequent waves of colonization and migration during the Middle Ages added to the older settlements, or created new ones, thus replenishng the Greek diaspora and making it one of the most longProfessional communities of individuals no longer in their standing and widespread in the world. homeland can also be considered diaspora. For examThe Migration Period relocations, which included sevple, science diasporas are communities of scientists who eral phases, are just one set of many in history. The first [23] conduct their research away from their homeland. In phase Migration Period displacement from between CE [24] an article published in 1996, Khachig Tölölyan argues 300 and 500 included relocation of the Goths (Ostrogoths that the media have used the term corporate diaspora in and Visigoths), Vandals, Franks, various other Germanic a rather arbitrary and inaccurate fashion, for example as people (Burgundians, Lombards, Angles, Saxons, Jutes, applied to “mid-level, mid-career executives who have Suebi, Alemanni, Varangians and Normans), Alans and been forced to find new places at a time of corporate upnumerous Slavic tribes. The second phase, between CE heaval” (10) The use of corporate diaspora reflects the 500 and 900, saw Slavic, Turkic, and other tribes on the increasing popularity of the diaspora notion to describe move, resettling in Eastern Europe and gradually making a wide range of phenomena related to contemporary miit predominantly Slavic, and affecting Anatolia and the gration, displacement and transnational mobility. While Caucasus as the first Turkic tribes (Avars, Huns, Khazars, corporate diaspora seems to avoid or contradict connotaPechenegs), as well as Bulgars, and possibly Magyars artions of violence, coercion and unnatural uprooting hisrived. The last phase of the migrations saw the coming torically associated to the notion of diaspora, its scholarly of the Hungarian Magyars and the Viking expansion out use may heuristically describe the ways in which corpoof Scandinavia into Europe and the British Isles, as well rations function alongside diasporas. In this way, coras Greenland and Iceland. porate diaspora might foreground the racial histories of diasporic formations without losing sight of the cultural Such colonizing migrations cannot be considered indefilogic of late capitalism in which corporations orchestrate nitely as diasporas; over very long periods, eventually the the transnational circulation of people, images, ideologies migrants assimilate into the settled area so completely that it becomes their new homeland. Thus the modern and capital. population of Hungary do not feel that they belong in the Western Siberia that the Hungarian Magyars left 12 cen2.5.2 European diasporas turies ago; and the English descendants of the Angles, Saxons and Jutes do not yearn to reoccupy the plains of Further information: European diaspora Northwest . European history contains numerous diaspora-like events. In ancient times, the trading and colonising ac- In 1492, a Spanish expedition headed by Christopher tivities of the Greek tribes from the Balkans and Asia Columbus arrived in the Americas, after which European Minor spread people of Greek culture, religion and lan- exploration and colonization rapidly expanded. Histoleft Euguage around the Mediterranean and Black Sea basins, rian James Axtell estimates that 240,000 people [27] rope for the Americas in the 16th century. Immigraestablishing Greek city states in Magna Graecia (Sicily, southern Italy), northern Libya, eastern Spain, the south tion continued. In the 19th century alone over 50 million [28] of , and the Black Sea coasts. Greeks founded Europeans migrated to North and South America. more than 400 colonies.[25] Alexander the Great's con- A specific 19th-century example is the Irish diaspora, bequest of the Achaemenid Empire marked the beginning ginning in the mid-19th century and brought about by An of the Hellenistic period, which was characterized by a Gorta Mór or “The Great Hunger” of the Irish Famine. new wave of Greek colonization in Asia and Africa, with Estimates are that between 45% and 85% of Ireland’s

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population emigrated, to countries including Britain, the United States, Canada, Argentina, Australia and New Zealand. The size of the diaspora is demonstrated by the number of people around the world who claim Irish ancestry; some sources put the figure at 80-100 million.

2.5.3

African diaspora

Further information: African diaspora One of the largest diaspora of modern times is the African Diaspora, which dates back several centuries. During the Atlantic Slave Trade, 9.4 to 12 million people from North, West, West-Central and South-east Africa survived transportation to arrive in the Western Hemisphere as slaves.[29] This population and their descendants were major influences on the culture of English, French, Italian, Portuguese and Spanish New World colonies. Prior to the trans-Atlantic slave trade, millions of Africans had moved and settled as merchants, seamen and slaves in different parts of Asia and Europe. In Black Europe and the African Diaspora Alexander Weheliye (2009) writes a section and clearly explains diaspora this way: “Diaspora offers pathways that retrace laverings of difference in the aftermath of colonialism and slavery, as well as the effects of other forms of migration and displacement. Thus, diaspora enables the desedimentation of the nation from the ‘interior’ by taking into the groups that fail to comply with the reigning definition of the people as a cohesive political subject due to sharing one culture, one race, one language, one religion, and so on, and from the ‘exterior’ by drawing attention to the movements that cannot be contained by the nation’s istrative and ideological borders” (162).

2.5.4

Asian diaspora

Chinese emigration (also known as the Chinese Diaspora)[30] first occurred thousands of years ago. The mass emigration that occurred from the 19th century to 1949 was caused mainly by wars and starvation in mainland China, as well as political corruption. Most immigrants were illiterate or poorly educated peasants and coolies (Chinese: , literally “hard labor”), who immigrated to developing countries in need of labor, such as the Americas, Australia, South Africa, Southeast Asia, Malaya and other places. The largest Asian diaspora outside of Southeast Asia is the Indian diaspora. The overseas Indian community, estimated at over 25 million, is spread across many regions in the world, on every continent. It constitutes a diverse, heterogeneous and eclectic global community representing different regions, languages, cultures, and faiths (see Desi). The Romani are widely dispersed, with their largest concentrated populations in Europe. Linguistic and genetic evidence indicates the Romanies originated on the Indian subcontinent, emigrating from India towards the northwest no earlier than the 11th century.[31] At least three waves of Nepalese diaspora can be identified. The earliest wave dates back to hundreds of years as early marriage and high birthrates propelled Hindu settlement eastward across Nepal, then into Sikkim and Bhutan. A backlash developed in the 1980s as Bhutan’s political elites realized that Bhutanese Buddhists were at risk of becoming a minority in their own country. At least 60,000 ethnic Nepalese from Bhutan have been resettled in the United States.[32] A second wave was driven by British recruitment of mercenary soldiers beginning around 1815 and resettlement after retirement in the British Isles and southeast Asia. The third wave began in the 1970s as land shortages intensified and the pool of educated labor greatly exceeded job openings in Nepal. Job-related emigration created Nepalese enclaves in India, the wealthier countries of the Middle East, Europe and North America. Current estimates of the number of Nepalese living outside Nepal range well up into the millions. In Siam, regional power struggles among several kingdoms in the region led to a large diaspora of ethnic Lao between the 1700s-1800s by Siamese rulers to settle large areas of the Siamese kingdom’s northeast region, where Lao ethnicity is still a major factor in 2012. During this period, Siam decimated the Lao capital, capturing, torturing and killing the Lao king Anuwongse. From the 1860s, Circassians were dispersed through the Levant, Europe, North America, Australia, and within historical Circassia in the North Caucasus currently in Russia. Further information: Circassian diaspora

Bukharan Jews in Samarkand, Central Asia, c. 1910

2.5. DIASPORA

2.5.5

Internal diasporas

In the US, approximately 4.3 million people moved outside their home states in 2010, according to IRS tax exemption data.[33] In a 2011 TEDx presentation, Detroit native Garlin Gilchrist referenced the formation of distinct “Detroit diaspora” communities in Seattle and Washington, D.C.,[34] while layoffs in the auto industry also led to substantial blue-collar migration from Michigan to Wyoming in the mid 2000s.[35] In response to a statewide exodus of talent, the State of Michigan continues to host “MichAGAIN” career recruiting events in places throughout the US with significant Michigan diaspora populations.[36] In Mainland China, millions of migrant workers have sought greater opportunity in the country’s booming coastal metropolises, though this trend has slowed with the further development of China’s interior.[37] Migrant social structures in these Chinese mega-cities are often based on place of origin, such as a shared hometown or province, and it is common for recruiters and foremen to select entire work crews from the same village.[38] In two separate June 2011 incidents, Sichuanese migrant workers organized violent protests against alleged police misconduct and migrant labor abuse near the southern manufacturing hub of Guangzhou.[39]

2.5.6

20th century

The 20th century saw huge population movements. Some involved large-scale transfers of people by government action. Some migrations occurred to avoid conflict and warfare. Other diasporas were created as a consequence of political decisions, such as the end of colonialism. World War II and the end of colonial rule As World War II unfolded, Nazi deported and killed millions of Jews and many millions of others were likewise enslaved or murdered, including Ukrainians, Russians and other Slavs. Some Jews fled from persecution to unoccupied parts of western Europe and the Americas before borders closed. Later, other eastern European refugees moved west, away from Soviet annexation,[40] and the Iron Curtain regimes after World War II. Hundreds of thousands of these anti-Soviet political refugees and Displaced Persons ended up in western Europe, Australia, Canada and the United States of America.

59 cluding western Europe, and with tens of thousands seeking refuge in the United States. Spain sent many political activists into exile during Franco's military regime from 1936 to his death in 1975. Following World War II, the creation of the state of Israel, and a series of uprisings against colonialist rule, the Middle East nations became more hostile in relation to their historic Jewish populations, sepharadim and mizrahiml, of nearly 1 million people. Most of them emigrated, with the majority resettling in Israel. At the same time, the Palestinian diaspora resulted from Israel’s creation in 1948, in which 750,000 people were expelled or fled from their homes. The diaspora was enlarged by the effects of the 1967 Arab-Israeli War. Many Palestinians continue to live in refugee camps maintained by Middle Eastern nations, but others have resettled in the Middle East and other countries. The 1947 Partition resulted in the migration of millions of people between India and Pakistan. Millions were murdered in the religious violence of the period, with estimates of fatalities up to 2 million people. Thousands of former subjects of the British Raj went to the UK from the Indian subcontinent after India and Pakistan became independent in 1947. From the late 19th century, and formally from 1910, Japan made Korea a colony. Millions of Chinese fled to western provinces not occupied by Japan (that is, in particular Ssuchuan/Szechwan and Yunnan in the Southwest and Shensi and Kansu in the Northwest) and to Southeast Asia. More than 100,000 Koreans moved across the Amur River into Eastern Russia (then the Soviet Union) away from the Japanese.

The Cold War and the formation of post-colonial states During and after the Cold War-era, huge populations of refugees migrated from conflict, especially from thendeveloping countries. Upheaval in the Middle East and Central Asia, some of which was related to power struggles between the United States and the Soviet Union, created new refugee populations which developed into global diasporas. In Southeast Asia, many Vietnamese people emigrated to and later millions to the United States, Australia and Canada after the Cold War-related Vietnam War. Later, 30,000 French colons from Cambodia were displaced after being expelled by the Khmer Rouge regime under Pol Pot. A small, predominantly Muslim ethnic group, the Cham people long residing in Cambodia, were nearly eradicated. The mass exodus of Vietnamese people from Vietnam coined the term 'Boat people'.

After World War II, the Soviet Union and Communistcontrolled Poland, Hungary and Yugoslavia expelled millions of ethnic Germans, most of whom were descendants of immigrants who had settled in those areas nearly two centuries before. This was allegedly in retaliation for the German Nazi invasion and their pan-German attempts at In Southwest China, many Tibetan people emigrated to annexation. Most of the refugees moved to the West, in- India, following the 14th Dalai Lama in 1959 after the

60 failure of his Tibetan uprising. This wave lasted until the 1960s, and another wave followed when Tibet was opened up to trade and tourism in the 1980s. It is estimated that about 200,000 Tibetans live now dispersed worldwide, half of whom in are India, Nepal and Bhutan. In lieu of lost citizenship papers, the Central Tibetan istration offers Green Book identity documents to Tibetan refugees. Sri Lankan Tamils have historically migrated to find work, notably during the British colonial period. Since the beginning of the civil war in 1983, more than 800,000 Tamils have been displaced within Sri Lanka as local diaspora, and over a half million Tamils living as the Tamil diaspora in destinations such as India, Australia, New Zealand, Canada, the UK and Europe. The Afghan diaspora resulted from the 1979 invasion by the former Soviet Union; both official and unofficial records indicate that the war displaced over 6 million people, resulting in the creation of the largest refugee population worldwide today. Many Iranians fled the 1979 Iranian Revolution which culminated in the fall of the USA/British-ensconced Shah.

CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES of refugees from deteriorating conditions in Zimbabwe have gone to South Africa. The long war in Congo, in which numerous nations have been involved, has also created millions of refugees.

2.5.7 21st century Following the Iraq War, nearly 3 million Iraqis had been displaced as of 2011, with 1.3 million within the Iraq and 1.6 million in neighboring countries, mainly Jordan and Syria.[43] Following the presidency of Hugo Chávez and the establishment of his Bolivarian Revolution, over 1.6 million Venezuelans emigrated from Venezuela in what has been called the Bolivarian diaspora.[44][45][46] The analysis of a study by the Central University of Venezuela titled Venezuelan Community Abroad. A New Method of Exile by El Universal states that the Bolivarian diaspora in Venezuela has been caused by the “deterioration of both the economy and the social fabric, rampant crime, uncertainty and lack of hope for a change in leadership in the near future”.[44]

The Assyrian diaspora expanded by the Civil War in 2.5.8 Diaspora populations on the Internet Lebanon, the coming into power of the Islamic republic of Iran, the Ba'athist dictatorship in Iraq, and the There are numerous web-based news portals and fopresent-day unrest in Iraq pushed Assyrians on the roads rum sites dedicated to specific diaspora communiof exile.[41] ties, often organized on the basis of an origin charIn Africa, a new series of diasporas formed following acteristic and a current location characteristic (e.g. the end of colonial rule. In some cases as countries be- ChineseInBoston.com).[47] The location-based networkcame independent, numerous minority descendants of ing features of mobile applications such as China’s Europeans emigrated; others stayed in the lands which WeChat have also created de facto online diaspora comhad been family homes for generations. Uganda expelled munities when used outside of their home markets.[48] 80,000 South Asians in 1972 and took over their busi- Now, large companies from the emerging countries are nesses and properties. The 1990s Civil war in Rwanda looking at leveraging diaspora communities to enter the between rival ethnic groups Hutu and Tutsi turned deadly more mature market. [49] and produced a mass efflux of refugees. In Latin America, following the 1959 Cuban Revolution 2.5.9 In popular culture and the introduction of communism, over a million peo[42] ple have left Cuba. Gran Torino, a 2008 drama starring Clint Eastwood, was There was a Jamaican diaspora around the start of the the first mainstream American film to feature the Hmong 21st century. More than 1 million Dominicans live American diaspora.[50] abroad a majority living in the US.“Nearly 20 Percent of All Dominicans Live Abroad”. Dominican Today A million Colombian refugees have left Colombia since 2.5.10 See also 1965 to escape the country’s violence and civil wars. In • List of diasporas South America, thousands of Argentinan, Chilean and Uruguayan refugees fled to Europe during periods of • Armenian Genocide military rule in the 1970s and 1980s. In Central America, Nicaraguans, Salvadorans, Guatemalans, Hondurans, • Boat people Costa Ricans (however, the country had no dictators) and • Displaced person Panamanians fled conflict and poor economic conditions. Hundreds of thousands of people fled from the Rwandan Genocide in 1994 into neighboring countries. Thousands

• Ethnic cleansing • Exodus

2.5. DIASPORA

61

• Expatriate

[16] Brubaker 2005, p. 3.

• Forced migration

[17] Brubaker 2005, p. 14.

• Holocaust

[18] Brubaker 2005, p. 2.

• Human migration

[19] Brubaker 2005, pp. 2–3.

• Immigration

[20] Kennedy, Bruce (31 August 2010). “The Economic Impact of the 'Katrina Diaspora'". Daily Finance. Retrieved 23 February 2011.

• Long Walk of the Navajo • Nakba • Population transfer • Refugee • Rural exodus • Slave trade • Stateless nation • Trail of Tears • Ummah

[21] Walden, Will (1 September 2005). “Katrina scatters a grim diaspora”. BBC News. Retrieved 23 February 2011. [22] McAlister, Elizabeth. “Listening for Geographies”. Routledge. Retrieved 5 November 2012. [23] Burns, William (December 9, 2013). “The Potential of Science Diasporas”. Science & Diplomacy 2 (4). [24] Tölölyan, Khachig (December 1996). “Rethinking Diaspora(s): Stateless Power in the Transnational Moment”. Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 3 (36). [25] “Early development of Greek society”. Highered.mcgraw-hill.com. Retrieved 2014-01-05. [26] Hellenistic Civilization

2.5.11

Notes

[1] διασπορά. Liddell, Henry George; Scott, Robert; A Greek–English Lexicon at the Perseus Project [2] “Diaspora”. Merriam Webster. Retrieved 2011-02-22. [3] Melvin Ember, Carol R. Ember and Ian Skoggard, ed. (2004). Encyclopedia of Diasporas: Immigrant and Refugee Cultures Around the World. Volume I: Overviews and Topics; Volume II: Diaspora Communities. ISBN 9780-306-48321-9. [4] Rozen, Mina (2008). Homelands and Diasporas: Greeks, Jews and Their Migrations (International Library of Migration Studies). London, England: I. B. Tauris. ISBN 1845116429. [5] pp.1-2, Tetlow [6] p.81, Kantor [7] “Assyrian captivity of Israel - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia”. En.wikipedia.org. Retrieved 2014-01-05.

[27] Axtell, James (September–October 1991). “The Columbian Mosaic in Colonial America”. Humanities 12 (5): 12–18. JSTOR 4636419. Archived from the original on November 19, 2009. [28] Eltis, Kingston David (1987). Economic Growth and the Ending of the Transatlantic Slave Trade. Oxford University Press. p. 139. ISBN 978-0-19-536481-1. [29] ""Welcome to Encyclopædia Britannica’s Guide to Black History”, ''Encyclopædia Britannica''". Britannica.com. Retrieved 2014-01-05. [30] Ma, Laurence J. C.; Cartier, Carolyn L. (2003). The Chinese diaspora: space, place, mobility, and identity. ISBN 978-0-7425-1756-1. [31] Kalaydjieva, Luba; Gresham, D; Calafell, F (2001). “Genetic studies of the Roma (Gypsies): A review”. BMC Medical Genetics 2: 5. doi:10.1186/1471-2350-2-5. PMC 31389. PMID 11299048. Retrieved 2008-06-16. [32] Bhaumik, Subir (November 7, 2007). “Bhutan refugees are 'intimidated'". BBC News. Retrieved 2008-04-25.

[8] pp.53, 105-106, Kantor [9] p.1, Barclay [10] pp.96-97, Galil & Weinfeld [11] “diaspora, n.”. Oxford English Dictionary Online. November 2010. Retrieved 22 February 2011. [12] Brubaker 2005, p. 5. [13] Weinar 2010, p. 75. [14] Cohen 2008, p. 6. [15] Cohen 2008, p. 4.

[33] Bruner, Jon (16 November 2011). “Migration in America”. Forbes. Retrieved 30 September 2013. [34] Gilchrist, Garlin (6 August 2011). “From Detroit. To Detroit”. TEDxLansing. TED. Retrieved 30 September 2013. [35] Silke Carty, Sharon (5 December 2006). “Wyoming wins over Michigan job seekers”. USA Today. Retrieved 30 September 2013. [36] Walsh, Tom (10 April 2011). “MichAgain program aims to return talented people, investments to Michigan”. Detroit Free Press. Retrieved 1 October 2013.

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[37] Kenneth, Rapoza (19 February 2013). “Chinese Migrant Workers Enticed To Stay Home”. Forbes. Retrieved 1 October 2013. [38] “China’s migrant workers”. Wildcat. Winter 2007/08 (80). Retrieved 1 October 2013. [39] Demick, Barbara (13 June 2011). “China tries to restore order after migrant riots”. Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 3 October 2013. [40] “An International Conference on the Baltic Archives Abroad”. Kirmus.ee. Retrieved 2014-01-05. [41] Codeswitching Worldwide II, by Rodolfo Jacobson [42] “1959: The Cuban Revolution”. Upfront: The Newsmagazine for Teens. Scholastic.

• Brubaker, Rogers (2005). “The 'diaspora' diaspora” (PDF). Ethnic and Racial Studies 28 (1): 1–19. doi:10.1080/0141987042000289997. Retrieved 22 February 2011. • Bueltmann, Tanja, et al. eds. Locating the English Diaspora, 1500-2010 (Liverpool University Press, 2012) • Cohen, Robin (2008). Global Diasporas: An Introduction (2nd ed.). Abingdon: Routledge. ISBN 0415-43550-1. • Galil, Gershon, & Weinfeld, Moshe, Studies in Historical Geography and Biblical Historiography: Presented to Zekharyah Ḳalai, BRILL, 2000

[43] Sengupta, Kim (16 December 2011). “Will Iraq’s 1.3 million refugees ever be able to go home?". The Independent (London).

• Forbes, Andrew, and Henley, David, People of Palestine (Chiang Mai: Cognoscenti Books, 2012), ASIN: B0094TU8VY

[44] Olivares, Francisco (13 September 2014). “Best and brightest for export”. El Universal. Retrieved 24 September 2014.

• Kenny, Kevin, Diaspora: A Very Short Introduction. New York: Oxford University Press, 2013.

[45] “Hugo Chavez is Scaring Away Talent”. Newsweek. 30 June 2009. Retrieved 24 September 2014. [46] “La emigración venezolana a diferencia de otras “se va con un diploma bajo el brazo"". El Impulso. 17 December 2014. Retrieved 21 December 2014. [47] Van Den Bos, Matthijs; Nell, Liza (2006). “Territorial bounds to virtual space: transnational online and offline networks of Iranian and Turkish–Kurdish immigrants in the Netherlands” (PDF). Global Networks: A Journal of Transnational Affairs 6 (2): 201–220. doi:10.1111/j.1471-0374.2006.00141.x. Retrieved 30 September 2013.

• Kantor, Mattis, The Jewish time line encyclopedia: a year-by-year history from Creation to the Present, (New updated edition), Jason Aronson, Northvale NJ, 1992 • Luciuk, Lubomyr, “Searching for Place: Ukrainian Displaced Persons, Canada and the Migration of Memory,” University of Toronto Press, 2000. • Oonk, G, 'Global Indian Diasporas: trajectories of migration and theory, Amsterdam University Press, 2007Free : http://dare.uva.nl/aup/ en/record/260518

[48] Chester, Ken (7 August 2013). “How WeChat And Zalo Shine a Light On The Asian American Diaspora”. Tech in Asia. Retrieved 30 September 2013.

• Shain, Yossi, Kinship and Diasporas in International Politics, Michigan University Press, 2007

[49] “The Globe: Diaspora Marketing, Nirmalya Kumar and Jan-Benedict E.M. Steenkamp”. Harvard Business Review. October 2013.

• Sami Mahroum, Cynthia Eldridge, Abdallah S Daar (2006), Transnational diaspora options: How developing countries could benefit from their emigrant populations. International Journal on Multicultural Societies, 2006.

[50] Peterson-de la Cueva, Lisa (24 November 2008). “Gran Torino connects Hmong Minnesotans with Hollywood”. Twin Cities Daily Planet. Retrieved 30 September 2013.

2.5.12

References

• Barclay, John M. G., (ed.), Negotiating Diaspora: Jewish Strategies in the Roman Empire, Continuum International Publishing Group, 2004 • Baser, B and Swain, A. “Diasporas as Peacemakers: Third Party Mediation in Homeland Conflicts” with Ashok Swain. International Journal on World Peace 25, 3, September 2008. • Braziel, Jana Evans. 2008. Diaspora - an introduction. Malden, MA: Blackwell.

• S Mahroum, P De Guchteneire (2007), Transnational Knowledge Through Diaspora NetworksEditorial. International Journal of Multicultural Societies 8 (1), 1-3 • Tetlow, Elisabeth Meier, Women, Crime, and Punishment in Ancient Law and Society, Continuum International Publishing Group, 2005 • Weinar, Agnieszka (2010). “Instrumentalising diasporas for development: International and European policy discourses”. In Bauböck, Rainer; Faist, Thomas. Diaspora and Transnationalism: Concepts, Theories and Methods. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. pp. 73–89. ISBN 90-8964-238-2.

2.6. ECONOMIC ANTHROPOLOGY

63

• B. Xharra and M. Wählisch, Beyond Remittances: Public Diplomacy and Kosovo’s Diaspora, Foreign Policy Club, Pristina (2012), http://papers.ssrn. com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2108317.

substantivists examine the ways in which so-called pure market exchange in market societies fails to fit market ideology. Economic anthropologists have abandoned the primitivist niche they were relegated to by economists. They now study the operations of corporations, banks, • Weheliye, Alexander G. “My Volk to Come: Peo- and the global financial system from an anthropological plehood in Recent Diaspora Discourse and Afro- perspective. German Popular Music.” Black Europe and the African Diaspora. Ed. Darlene Clark. Hine, Trica Danielle. Keaton, and Stephen Small. Urbana: U of Illinois, 2009. 161-79. Print. 2.6.1 Reciprocity and the gift

2.5.13

External links

• Livius.org: Diaspora • http://dare.uva.nl/aup/en/record/260518 Open access book on Diasporas • DIASPORAS.SE • Integration : Building Inclusive Societies (IBIS) UN Alliance of Civilizations online community on Good Practices of Integration of Migrants across the World

2.6 Economic anthropology Economic anthropology is a field that attempts to explain human economic behavior in its widest historic, geographic and cultural scope. It is practiced by anthropologists and has a complex relationship with the discipline of economics, of which it is highly critical. Its origins as a sub-field of anthropology began with work by the PolishBritish founder of anthropology Bronislaw Malinowski and his French compatriot[?] Marcel Mauss on the nature of reciprocity as an alternative to market exchange. For the most part, studies in economic anthropology fo- Bronislaw Malinowski, anthropologist at the London School of cus on exchange. In contrast, the Marxian school known Economics as "political economy" focuses on production. Post-World War II, economic anthropology was highly influenced by the work of economic historian Karl Polanyi. Polanyi drew on anthropological studies to argue that true market exchange was limited to a restricted number of western, industrial societies. Applying formal economic theory (Formalism) to non-industrial societies was mistaken, he argued. In non-industrial societies, exchange was “embedded” in such non-market institutions as kinship, religion, and politics (an idea he borrowed from Mauss). He labelled this approach Substantivism. The Formalist vs Substantivist debate was highly influential and defined an era.[1] As globalization became a reality, and the division between market and non-market economies – between “the west and the rest” – became untenable, anthropologists began to look at the relationship between a vari- A Kula bracelet from the Trobriand Islands. ety of types of exchange within market societies. Neo-

64 Malinowski and Mauss on Kula exchange Bronislaw Malinowski’s path-breaking work, Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922), addressed the question, “why would men risk life and limb to travel across huge expanses of dangerous ocean to give away what appear to be worthless trinkets?" (He could have asked this as well about the Dutch giving trinkets to the aboriginals of Manhattan Island). Malinowski carefully traced the network of exchanges of bracelets and necklaces across the Trobriand Islands, and established that they were part of a system of exchange (the Kula ring). He stated that this exchange system was clearly linked to political authority.[2]

CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES 1992 critique was twofold: she noted first that Trobriand Island society has a matrilineal kinship system, and that women hold a great deal of economic and political power, as inheritance is ed through the female lines. Malinowski missed this and ignored women’s exchanges in his study. Secondly, Weiner has developed Mauss’ argument about reciprocity and the “spirit of the gift” in of "inalienable possessions: the paradox of keeping while giving.”[4] Weiner contrasts “moveable goods,” which can be exchanged, with “immoveable goods,” which serve to draw the gifts back (in the Trobriand case, male Kula gifts are moveable gifts compared to those of women’s landed property). She argues that the specific goods given, such as Crown Jewels, are so identified with particular groups that, even when given, they are not truly alienated. Not all societies, however, have these kinds of goods, which depend upon the existence of particular kinds of kinship groups. French anthropologist Maurice Godelier[5] pushed the analysis further in The Enigma of the Gift (1999).[6]

In the 1920s and later, Malinowski’s study became the subject of debate with the French anthropologist, Marcel Mauss, author of The Gift (Essai sur le don, 1925).[3] Malinowski emphasised the exchange of goods between individuals, and their non-altruistic motives for giving: they expected a return of equal or greater value (colloquially referred to as “Indian giving”). In other words, Albert Schrauwers has argued that the kinds of socireciprocity is an implicit part of gifting; no “free gift” is eties used as examples by Weiner and Godelier (including the Kula ring in the Trobriands, the Potlatch of the given without expectation of reciprocity. Indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast in Mauss, in contrast, has emphasized that the gifts were the United States, and the Toraja of South Sulawesi, not between individuals, but between representatives of Indonesia) are all characterized by ranked aristocratic kin larger collectivities. These gifts were, he argued, a “total groups that fit with Claude Lévi-Strauss' model of “House prestation.” They were not simple, alienable commodiSocieties” (where “House” refers to both noble lineage ties to be bought and sold, but, like the "Crown jewels", and their landed estate). Total prestations are given, he arembodied the reputation, history and sense of identity of gues, to preserve landed estates identified with particular a “corporate kin group,” such as a line of kings. Given kin groups and maintain their place in a ranked society.[6] the stakes, Mauss asked “why anyone would give them away?" His answer was an enigmatic concept, “the spirit of the gift.” A good part of the confusion (and resulting debate) was due to a bad translation. Mauss appeared to be arguing that a return gift is given to keep the very relationship between givers alive; a failure to return a gift ends the relationship and the promise of any future gifts. Based on an improved translate, Jonathan Parry has demonstrated that Mauss was arguing that the concept of a “pure gift” given altruistically only emerges in societies with a well-developed market ideology.[2]

Three tongkonan noble houses in a Torajan village.

Gifts and Commodities Main article: Moka exchange The misunderstanding about what Mauss meant by “the spirit of the gift” led some anthropologists to contrast “gift economies” with “market economies,” presenting Mauss’ concept of “total prestations” has been developed them as polar opposites and implying that non-market exin the later 20th century by Annette Weiner, who revis- change was always altruistic. Marshall Sahlins, a wellited Malinowski’s fieldsite in the Trobriand Islands. Her known American cultural anthropologist, identified three

2.6. ECONOMIC ANTHROPOLOGY

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main types of reciprocity in his book Stone Age Eco- place has to be preserved as separate from short-term nomics (1972).[7] Gift or generalized reciprocity is the ex- market relations.[13] change of goods and services without keeping track of their exact value, but often with the expectation that their value will balance out over time. Balanced or Symmet- Charity: “the poison of the gift” rical reciprocity occurs when someone gives to someone else, expecting a fair and tangible return - at a specified amount, time, and place. Market or Negative reciprocity is the exchange of goods and services whereby each party intends to profit from the exchange, often at the expense of the other. Gift economies, or generalized reciprocity, occur within closely knit kin groups, and the more distant the exchange partner, the more imbalanced or negative the exchange becomes. This opposition was classically expressed by Chris Gregory in his book “Gifts and Commodities” (1982). Gregory argued that Commodity exchange is an exchange of alienable objects between people who are in a state of reciprocal independence that establishes a quantitative relationship between the objects exchanged… Gift exchange is an exchange of inalienable objects between people who are in a state of reciprocal dependence that establishes a qualitative relationship between the transactors" (emphasis added.)[8] Other anthropologists, however, refused to see these different "exchange spheres" as polar opposites. Marilyn Strathern, writing on a similar area in Papua New Guinea, dismissed the utility of the opposition in The Gender of the Gift (1988).[9] Spheres of Exchange Main article: Spheres of exchange The relationship of new market exchange systems to indigenous non-market exchange remained a perplexing question for anthropologists. Paul Bohannan (see below, under substantivism) argued that the Tiv of Nigeria had three spheres of exchange, and that only certain kinds of goods could be exchanged in each sphere; each sphere had its own different form of money.[10] Similarly, Clifford Geertz's model of “dual economy” in Indonesia,[11] and James C. Scott’s model of “moral economy”[12] hypothesized different exchange spheres emerging in societies newly integrated into the market; both hypothesized a continuing culturally ordered “traditional” exchange sphere resistant to the market. Geertz used the sphere to explain peasant complacency in the face of exploitation, and Scott to explain peasant rebellion. This idea was taken up lastly by Jonathan Parry and Maurice Bloch, who argued in Money and the Morality of Exchange (1989) that the “transactional order” through which long-term social reproduction of the family takes

The Sharon Temple, Sharon, Ontario circa 1860.

In his classic summation of the gift exchange debate, Jonathan Parry highlighted that ideologies of the “pure gift” (as opposed to total prestations) “is most likely to arise in highly differentiated societies with an advanced division of labour and a significant commercial sector.”[14] Schrauwers illustrated the same points in two different areas in the context of the “transition to capitalism debate” (see Political Economy). He documented the transformations among the To Pamona of Central Sulawesi, Indonesia, as they were incorporated in global market networks over the twentieth century. As their everyday production and consumption activities were increasingly commodified, they developed an oppositional gift (posintuwu) exchange system that funded social reproductive activities, thereby preserving larger kin, political and religious groups. This “pure gift” exchange network emerged from an earlier system of “total prestations.”[15] Similarly, in analyzing the same “transition to capitalist debate” in early 19th century North America, Schrauwers documented how new, oppositional "moral economies" grew in parallel with the emergence of the market economy. As the market became increasingly institutionalized, so too did early utopian socialist experiments such as the Children of Peace, in Sharon, Ontario, Canada. They built an ornate temple dedicated to sacralizing the giving of charity; this was eventually institutionalized as a mutual credit organization, land sharing, and co-operative marketing. In both cases, Schrauwers emphasizes that these alternate exchange spheres are tightly integrated

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CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES exchange. They shifted attention away from the character of the human relationships formed through exchange, and placed it on “the social life of things” instead. They examined the strategies by which an object could be "singularized" (made unique, special, one-of-a-kind) and so withdrawn from the market. A marriage ceremony that transforms a purchased ring into an irreplaceable family heirloom is one example; the heirloom, in turn, makes a perfect gift.

Singularization is the reverse of the seemingly irresistible process of commodification. These scholars show how all economies are a constant flow of material objects that enter and leave specific exchange spheres. A similar ap'Free gifts’ of Posintuwu culminate in the exchange of bridewealth proach is taken by Nicholas Thomas, who examines the at a To Pamona wedding. same range of cultures and the anthropologists who write about them, and redirects attention to the “entangled ob[18] and mutualistic with markets as commodities move in jects” and their roles as both gifts and commodities. and out of each circuit.[16] Parry had also underscored, This emphasis on things has led to new explorations in using the example of charitable giving of alms in India “consumption studies” (see below). (Dāna), that the “pure gift” of alms given with no expectation of return could be “poisonous.” That is, the gift of 2.6.2 Cultural construction of economic alms embodying the sins of the giver, when given to ritsystems: the substantivist approach ually pure priests, saddled these priests with impurities that they could not cleanse themselves of. “Pure gifts” given without a return, can place recipients in debt, and Formalist vs Substantivist debate hence in dependent status: the poison of the gift.[17] Although the Children of Peace tried to sacralize the pure Main article: The Formalist vs Substantivist debate giving of alms, they found charity created difficulties for The opposition between substantivist and formalist ecorecipients. It highlighted their near bankruptcy and hence opened them to lawsuits and indefinite imprisonment for debt. Rather than accept charity, the free gift, they opted for loans.[16] 'The social life of things’ and singularization Main article: Commodity Pathway Diversion Rather than emphasize how particular kinds of objects

Non-market subsistence farming in New Mexico: household provisioning or 'economic' activity?

nomic models was first proposed by Karl Polanyi in his work The Great Transformation (1944). He argued that the term 'economics’ has two meanings: the formal meaning refers to economics as the logic of rational action and decision-making, as rational choice between the alternative uses of limited (scarce) means. The second, Wedding rings: commodity or pure gift? substantive meaning, however, presupposes neither rational decision-making nor conditions of scarcity. It simply are either gifts or commodities to be traded in restricted refers to the study of how humans make a living from spheres of exchange, Arjun Appadurai and others began their social and natural environment. A society’s livelito look at how objects flowed between these spheres of hood strategy is seen as an adaptation to its environment

2.6. ECONOMIC ANTHROPOLOGY and material conditions, a process which may or may not involve utility maximisation. The substantive meaning of 'economics’ is seen in the broader sense of 'economising' or 'provisioning'. Economics is simply the way of society meet their material needs. Anthropologists embraced the substantivist position as empirically oriented, as it did not impose western cultural assumptions on other societies where they might not be warranted. The Formalist vs. Substantivist debate was not between anthropologists and economists, however, but a disciplinary debate largely confined to the journal Research in Economic Anthropology. In many ways, it reflects the common debates between “etic” and “emic” explanations as defined by Marvin Harris in cultural anthropology of the period. The principal proponents of the substantivist model were George Dalton and Paul Bohannan. Formalists such as Raymond Firth and Harold K. Schneider asserted that the neoclassical model of economics could be applied to any society if appropriate modifications are made, arguing that its principles have universal validity.

67 to “arrogate to themselves a privileged right to model the economies of their subjects”, anthropologists should seek to understand and interpret local models (1986:38).[19] Such local models may differ radically from their Western counterparts. For example, the Iban use only hand knives to harvest rice. Although the use of sickles could speed up the harvesting process, they believe that this may cause the spirit of the rice to flee, and their desire to prevent that outcome is greater than their desire to economize the harvesting process. Gudeman brings post-modern cultural relativism to its logical conclusion. Generally speaking, however, culturalism can also be seen as an extension of the substantivist view, with a stronger emphasis on cultural constructivism, a more detailed of local understandings and metaphors of economic concepts, and a greater focus on socio-cultural dynamics than the latter (cf. Hann, 2000).[20] Culturalists tend to be both less taxonomic and more culturally relativistic in their descriptions while critically reflecting on the power relationship between the ethnographer (or 'modeller') and the subjects of his or her research. While substantivists generally focus on institutions as their unit of analysis, culturalists lean towards detailed and comprehensive analyses of particular local communities. Both views agree in rejecting the formalist assumption that all human behaviour can be explained in of rational decision-making and utility maximisation.

For some anthropologists, the substantivist position does not go far enough. Stephen Gudeman, for example, argues that the processes of making a livelihood are culturally constructed. Therefore, models of livelihoods and related economic concepts such as exchange, money or profit must be analyzed through the locals’ ways of understanding them. Rather than devising universal models rooting in Western economic terminologies and then Culturalism can be criticized from various perspectives. applying them indiscriminately to all societies, scholars Marxists argue that culturalists are too idealistic in their must come to understand the 'local model'. notion of the social construction of reality and too weak in their analysis of external (i.e. material) constraints on individuals that affect their livelihood choices. If, as GudeStephen Gudeman and the Culturalist approach man argues, local models cannot be held against a univerIn his work on livelihoods, Gudeman seeks to present the sal standard, then they cannot be related to hegemonic “people’s own economic construction” (1986:1);[19] that ideologies propagated by the powerful, which serve to is, people’s own conceptualizations or mental maps of neutralise resistance. This is further complicated by the economics and its various aspects. His description of a fact that in an age of globalization most cultures are being peasant community in Panama reveals that the locals did integrated into the global capitalist system and are influnot engage in exchange with each other in order to make enced to conform to Western ways of thinking and acting. a profit but rather viewed it as an “exchange of equiva- Local and global discourses are mixing, and the distinclents”, with the exchange value of a good being defined tions between the two are beginning to blur. Even though by the expenses spent on producing it. Only outside mer- people will retain aspects of their existing worldviews, chants made profits in their dealings with the community; universal models can be used to study the dynamics of it was a complete mystery to the locals how they managed their integration into the rest of the world. to do so. Gudeman also criticizes the substantivist position for imposing their universal model of economics on preindustrial societies and so making the same mistake as the formalists. While conceding that substantivism rightly emphasises the significance of social institutions in economic processes, Gudeman considers any deductive universal model, be it formalist, substantivist or Marxist, to be ethnocentric and tautological. In his view they all model relationships as mechanistic processes by taking the logic of natural science based on the material world and applying it to the human world. Rather than

Householding Entrepreneurs in “imperfect markets” Inspired by a collection on "Trade and Market in the early Empires" edited by Karl Polanyi, the substantivists conducted a wide comparative study of market behavior in traditional societies where such markets were embedded in kinship, religion and politics. They thus remained focused on the social and cultural processes that shaped markets, rather than on the individual focused study

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of economizing behavior found in economic analysis. George Dalton and Paul Bohannon, for example, published a collection on markets in sub-Saharan Africa.[21] Pedlars and Princes: Social Development and Economic Change in Two Indonesian Towns by Clifford Geertz compared the entrepreneurial cultures of Islamic Java with Hinduized Bali in the post-colonial period.[22] In Java, trade was in the hands of pious Muslims, whereas in Bali, larger enterprises were organized by aristocrats.[23] Over time, this literature was refocused on “informal economies”, those market activities lying on the periphery of legal markets.[24] Modernization theory of development had led economists in the 1950s and 1960s to expect that traditional forms of work and production would disappear in developing countries. Anthropologists found, however, that the sector had not only persisted, but expanded in new and unexpected ways. In accepting that these forms of productions were there to stay, scholars began using the term informal sector, which is credited to the British anthropologist Keith Hart in a study on Ghana in 1973. This literature focuses on the “invisible work” done by those who fall outside the formal production process, such as the production of clothing by domestic workers, or those who are bound labourers in sweatshops. As these studies have shifted to the informal sector of western economies, the field has been dominated by those taking a political economy approach.[25] Neo-Substantivism and capitalism as a cultural system While many anthropologists like Gudeman were concerned with peasant economic behaviour, others turned to the analysis of market societies. Economic Sociologist Mark Granovetter provided a new research paradigm (neo-substantivism) for these researchers. Granovetter argued that the neo-liberal view of economic action which separated economics from society and culture promoted an 'undersocialized ' that atomises human behavior. Similarly, he argued, substantivists had an “over-socialized” view of economic actors, refusing to see the ways that rational choice could influence the ways they acted in traditional, “embedded” social roles. NeoSubstantivism overlaps with 'old' and especially new institutional economics. Actors do not behave or decide as atoms outside a social context, nor do they adhere slavishly to a script written for them by the particular intersection of social categories that they happen to occupy. Their attempts at purposive action are instead embedded in concrete, ongoing systems of social relations.[26]

social ties.[26] In his study of ethnic Chinese business networks in Indonesia, Granovetter found individual’s economic agency embedded in networks of strong personal relations. In processes of clientelization the cultivation of personal relationships between traders and customers assumes an equal or higher importance than the economic transactions involved. Economic exchanges are not carried out between strangers but rather by individuals involved in long-term continuing relationships.

2.6.3 Money and finance

A sample picture of a fictional ATM card. The largest part of the world’s money exists only as ing numbers which are transferred between financial computers. Various plastic cards and other devices give individual consumers the power to electronically transfer such money to and from their bank s, without the use of currency.

Special and general purpose monies Early anthropologists of the substantivist school were struck by the number of “special purpose monies,” like wampum and shell money, that they encountered. These special purpose monies were used to facilitate trade, but were not the “universal” money of market-based economies. Universal money served five functions: • Medium of exchange: they facilitated trade • Unit of : they are an abstract measure of value or worth • Store of value: they allow wealth to be preserved over time • Standard of deferred payment: they are a measure of debt • Means of payment: they can be used in non-market situations to pay debts (like taxes).[27]

Granovetter applied the concept of embeddedness to Special purpose monies, in contrast, were frequently remarket societies, demonstrating that even there, “ratio- stricted in their use; they might be limited to a specific nal” economic exchanges are influenced by pre-existing exchange sphere such as the brass rods used by the Tiv

2.6. ECONOMIC ANTHROPOLOGY of Nigeria in the early twentieth century (see "spheres of exchange" above). Most of this early work documented the effects of universal money on these special purpose monies. Universal money frequently weakened the boundaries between exchange spheres. Others have pointed out, however, how alternative currencies such as Ithaca HOURS in New York state are used to create new community based spheres of exchange in western market economies by fostering barter.[28][29] Much of this work was updated and retheorized in the edited collection: Money and Modernity: State and Local Currencies in Melanesia.[30] A second collection, Money and the morality of exchange examined how “general purpose money” could be transformed into a “special purpose money” - how money could be “socialized” and stripped of its moral danger so that it abets domestic economies free of market demands.[31] William Reddy undertook the same kind of analysis of the meanings of monetary exchange in of the growth of Liberalism in early modern Europe. Reddy critiques what he calls the “Liberal illusion” that developed in this period, that money is a universal equivalent and a principle of liberation. He underscores the different values and meanings that money has for those of different classes.[32] Barter

69 one’s economic self-interest, and that before money, exchange was fostered through the processes of reciprocity and redistribution, not barter.[38] Everyday exchange relations in such societies are characterized by generalized reciprocity, or a non-calculative familial “communism” where each takes according to their needs, and gives as they have.[39] Other anthropologists have questioned whether barter is typically between “total” strangers, a form of barter known as "silent trade". However, Benjamin Orlove has shown that barter occurs through “silent trade” (between strangers), but also in commercial markets as well. “Because barter is a difficult way of conducting trade, it will occur only where there are strong institutional constraints on the use of money or where the barter symbolically denotes a special social relationship and is used in welldefined conditions. To sum up, multipurpose money in markets is like lubrication for machines - necessary for the most efficient function, but not necessary for the existence of the market itself.”[40] Barter may occur in commercial economies, usually during periods of monetary crisis. During such a crisis, currency may be in short supply, or highly devalued through hyperinflation. In such cases, money ceases to be the universal medium of exchange or standard of value. Money may be in such short supply that it becomes an item of barter itself rather than the means of exchange. Barter may also occur when people cannot afford to keep money (as when hyperinflation quickly devalues it).[41]

Main article: Barter David Graeber argues that the inefficiencies of barter in archaic society has been used by economists since Adam Smith to explain the emergence of money, the economy, and hence the discipline of economics itself.[33] “Economists of the contemporary orthodoxy... propose an evolutionary development of economies which places barter, as a 'natural' human characteristic, at the most primitive stage, to be superseded by monetary exchange as soon as people become aware of the latter’s greater efficiency.”[34] However, extensive investigation since then has established that “No example of a barter economy, pure and simple, has ever been described, let alone the emergence from it of money; all available ethnography suggests that there never has been such a thing. But there are economies today which are nevertheless dominated by barter.”[35]

Money as Commodity Fetish

Anthropologists have analyzed these cultural situations where universal money is being introduced as a means of revealing the underlying cultural assumptions about money that market based societies have internalized. Michael Taussig, for example, examined the reactions of peasant farmers in Colombia as they struggled to understand how money could make interest. Taussig highlights that we have fetishized money. We view money as an active agent, capable of doing things, of growth. In viewing money as an active agent, we obscure the social relationships that actually give money its power. The Colombian peasants, seeking to explain how money could bear interest, turned to folk beliefs like the “baptism of money” to explain how money could grow. Dishonest individuals Anthropologists have argued “that when something re- would have money baptized, which would then become goods, it would essembling barter does occur in stateless societies it is al- an active agent; whenever used to buy [42] cape the till and return to its owner. most always between strangers, people who would otherwise be enemies.”[36] Barter occurred between strangers, Schrauwers similarly examines a situation where paper not fellow villagers, and hence cannot be used to nat- money was introduced for the first time, in early nineuralistically explain the origin of money without the teenth century Ontario, Canada. Paper money, or bank state. Since most people engaged in trade knew each notes, were not a store of wealth; they were an I.O.U., a other, exchange was fostered through the extension of “promisory note,” a fetish of debt. Banks in the era had credit.[35][37] Marcel Mauss, author of 'The Gift', ar- limited capital. They didn't loan that capital. Instead, gued that the first economic contracts were to not act in they issued paper notes promising to pay that amount

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CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES nality” works, and how it is embedded in particular kinds of social networks.[46] Bill Maurer has examined how Islamic bankers who are seeking to avoid religiously proscribed interest payments have remade money and finance in Indonesia. His book, Mutual Life, Limited, compares these Islamic attempts to remake the basis of money to local currency systems in the United States, such as “Ithaca Hours.” In doing so, he questions what it is that gives money its value.[28] This same question of what gives money its value is also addressed in David Graeber’s book Towards an Anthropological Theory of Value: The false coin of our own dreams.[47]

Metal money fetishism: A political poster shows gold coin as the basis of prosperity. (ca. 1896)

should the note be presented in their office. Since these notes stayed in circulation for lengthy periods, banks had little fear they would have to pay, and so issued many more notes than they could redeem, and charged interest on all of them. Utilizing Bourdieu’s concept of symbolic capital, Schrauwers examines the way that elite social status was converted into economic capital (the bank note). The bank note’s value depended entirely on the public’s perceptions that it could be redeemed, and that perception was based entirely on the social status of the bank’s shareholders.[43]

Banking, finance and the stock market More recent work has focused on finance capital and stock markets. Anna Tsing for example, analyzed the "Bre-X stock scandal” in Canada and Indonesia in of “The economy of appearances.”[44] Ellen Hertz, in contrast, looked at the development of stock markets in Shanghai, China, and the particular ways in which this free market was embedded in local political and cultural realities; markets do not operate in the same manner in all countries.[45] A similar study was done by Karen Ho on Wall Street, in the midst of the financial crisis of 2008. Her book, Liquidated: an ethnography of Wall Street, provides an insiders view of how “market ratio-

James Carrier has extended the cultural economic and neo-substantivist position by applying their methods to the “science of economics” as a cultural practice. He has edited two collection that examine “free market” ideologies, comparing them to the culturally embedded economic practices they purport to describe. The edited collection, “Meanings of the market: the Free Market in Western Culture”,[48] examined the use of market models in policy-making in the United States. A second edited collection “Virtualism: A New Political Economy,” examined the cultural and social effects on western nations forced to adhere to abstract models of the free market: “Economic models are no longer measured against the world they seek to describe, but instead the world is measured against them, found wanting and made to conform.”[49]

2.6.4 Consumption studies Pierre Bourdieu on Distinction

2.6.5 The anthropology of corporate capitalism Symbolic and economic capital Similar insights were developed by Pierre Bourdieu, who also rejected the arguments of the new institutional economists. While these economists attempted to incorporate culture in their models, they did so by arguing that non-market “tradition” was the product of rational maximizing action in the market (i.e., to show they are the solution to an economic problem, rather than having deep cultural roots). Bourdieu argued strongly against what he called RAT (Rational Action Theory) theory, arguing that any actor, when asked for an explanation for their behaviour will provide a rational post hoc answer, but that excuse does not in fact guide the individual in the act. Driving a car is an example; individuals do so out of an acquired “instinct”, obeying the rules of the road without actually focuon them. Bourdieu utilized an alternate model, which emphasized how “economic capital” could be translated into “symbolic capital” and vice

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versa. For example, in traditional Mexican villages, those 2.6.7 References of wealth would be called upon to fulfill “cargo offices” in the church, and host feasts in honour of the saints. These [1] Hann, Chris; Keith Hart (2011). Economic Anthropology. Cambridge: Polity Press. pp. 55–71. offices used up their economic capital, but in so doing, it was translated into status (symbolic capital) in the tradi- [2] Parry, Jonathan (1986). “The Gift, the Indian Gift tional role. This symbolic capital could, in turn, be used and the 'Indian Gift'". Man 21 (3): 453–73. to draw customers in the marketplace because of a repudoi:10.2307/2803096. tation for honesty and selflessness.

[3] Mauss, Marcel (1970). The Gift: Forms and Functions of Exchange in Archaic Societies. London: Cohen & West.

Actor-Network theory Michel Callon has spearheaded the movement of applying ANT approaches to study economic life (notably economic markets). This body of work interrogates the interrelation between the economy and economics, highlighting the ways in which economics (and economics-inspired disciplines such as marketing) shapes the economy (see Callon, 1998 and 2005).

[4] Weiner, Annette (1992). Inalienable Possessions: The Paradox of Keeping-while-Giving. Berkeley: University of California Press. [5] Godelier, Maurice (1999). The Enigma of the Gift. Cambridge: Polity Press. [6] Schrauwers, Albert (2004). “H(h)ouses, E(e)states and Class: On the importance of capitals in central Sulawesi”. Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 160 (1): 72– 94. doi:10.1163/22134379-90003735.

Ethnographies of the corporation

[7] Sahlins, Marshall (1972). Stone Age Economics. Chicago: Aldine-Atherton. ISBN 0-202-01099-6.

Corporations are increasingly hiring anthropologists as employees and consultants, leading to an increasingly critical appraisal about the organizational forms of postmodern capitalism.[50] Aihwa Ong’s Spirits of resistance and capitalist discipline: factory women in Malaysia (1987) was pathbreaking in this regard.[51] Her work inspired a generation of anthropologists who have examined the incorporation of women within corporate economies, especially in the new “Free trade zones” of the newly industrializing third world.[52][53] Others have focused on the former industrialized (now rust-belt) economies.[54] Daromir Rudnyckyj has analyzed how neo-liberal economic discourses have been utilized by Indonesian Muslims operating the Krakatau Steel Company to create a “spiritual economy” conducive to globalization while enhancing the Islamic piety of workers.[55] George Marcus has called for anthropologists to “study up” and to focus on corporate elites, and has edited a series called Late Editions: Cultural Studies for the End of the Century.

[8] Gregory, Chris (1982). Gifts and Commodities. London: Academic Press. pp. 100–101.

2.6.6

See also

• Charity (practice) • Cultural economics • Dāna • Economic sociology • Money • Palace economy • Society for Economic Anthropology

[9] Strathern, Marilyn (1988). The Gender of the Gift: Problems with Women and Problems with Society in Melanesia. Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 143–7. [10] Bohannan, Paul (1959). “The Impact of money on an African subsistence economy”. The Journal of Economic History 19 (4): 491–503. doi:10.1017/S0022050700085946. [11] Geertz, Clifford (1963). Agricultural involution; the process of ecological change in Indonesia. Berkeley: University of California Press for the Association of Asian Studies. [12] Scott, James C. (1976). The Moral Economy of the Peasant: Rebellion and Subsistence in Southeast Asia. New Haven, MA: Yale University Press. [13] Parry, Jonathan; Maurice Bloch (1989). Money and the Morality of Exchange. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 28–30. [14] Parry, Jonathan (1986). “The Gift, the Indian Gift and the 'Indian Gift'". Man 21 (3): 467. doi:10.2307/2803096. [15] Schrauwers, Albert (2000). Colonial “Reformation” in the Highlands of Central Sulawesi, Indonesia, 1892-1995. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. pp. 129–69. [16] Schrauwers, Albert (2011). "'Money bound you – money shall loose you': Gift Giving, Social Capital and the Meaning of Money in Upper Canada”. Comparative Studies in Society and History 53 (2): 1–30. doi:10.1017/S0010417511000077. [17] Parry, Jonathan (1986). “The Gift, the Indian Gift and the 'Indian Gift'". Man 21 (3): 463–67. doi:10.2307/2803096.

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[18] Thomas, Nicholas (1991). Entangled Objects: Exchange, Material Culture, and Colonialism in the Pacific. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. [19] Gudeman, S. (1986). Economics as culture : models and metaphors of livelihood. London: Routledge. ISBN 9780-7102-0560-5. [20] Hann, C. M. (2000). Social Anthropology. London: Teach Yourself. ISBN 978-0-340-72482-8. [21] George Dalton, Paul Bohannon (1962). Markets in Africa. Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University Press. [22] Geertz, Clifford (1963). Pedlars and Princes: Social Development and Economic Change in Two Indonesian Towns. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. [23] Wertheim, W.F. (1964). “Peasants, Peddlers and Princes in Indonesia: A Review Article”. Pacific Affairs 37 (3): 307–11. doi:10.2307/2754978. [24] Halperin, Rhoda H. (1988). Cultural Economies: Past and Present. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press. [25] Narotzky, Susana (1997). New Directions in Economic Anthropoogy. London: Pluto Press. pp. 35–9. [26] Granovetter, M. (1985). “Economic action and social structure: the problem of embeddedness”. The American Journal of Sociology 91 (3): 487. doi:10.1086/228311. [27] Dalton, George (1971). Economic Anthropology and Development: Essays on Tribal and Peasant Economies. New York: Basic Books. pp. 167–92. [28] Maurer, Bill (2005). Mutual Life, Limited: Islamic Banking, Alternative Currencies, Lateral Reason. Princeton: Princeton University Press. [29] Herrmann, Gretchen (2006). “Special Money: Ithaca Hours and Garage Sales”. Ethnology 45 (2): 125–41. doi:10.2307/4617570. [30] Akin, David, Robbins, Joel (1999). Money and Modernity: State and Local Currencies in Melanesia. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. [31] Parry, J., Bloch, M. (1989). Money and the morality of exchange. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [32] Reddy, William M. (1987). Money and liberty in modern Europe: a critique of historical understanding. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [33] Graeber, David (2011). Debt: the first 5,000 years. New York: Melville House. pp. 21–41. [34] Humphrey, Caroline (1985). “Barter and Economic Disintegration”. Man 20 (1): 49. doi:10.2307/2802221.

CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES

[37] Graeber, David (2011). Debt: the first 5,000 years. New York: Melville House. pp. 40–41. [38] Graeber, David (2001). Toward an Anthropological Theory of Value: The false coin of our own dreams. New York: Palgrave. pp. 153–4. [39] Graeber, David (2011). Debt: The First 5,000 Years. Brooklyn, NY: Melville House. pp. 94–102. [40] Plattner, Stuart (1989). Plattner, Stuart, ed. Economic Anthropology. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. p. 179. [41] Humphrey, Caroline (1985). “Barter and Economic Disintegration”. Man 20 (1): 52. doi:10.2307/2802221. [42] Taussig, Michael (1977). “The genesis of capitalism amongst a South American peasantry: Devil’s labor and the baptism of money”. Comparative Studies in Society and History 19 (2): 130–155. doi:10.1017/S0010417500008586. [43] Schrauwers, Albert (2011). ""Money bound you money shall loose you": Micro-credit, Social Capital, and the meaning of money in Upper Canada”. Comparative Studies in Society and History 53 (2): 314–343. doi:10.1017/S0010417511000077. [44] Tsing, Anna L. (2005). Friction: An Ethnography of Global Connection. Princeton: Princeton University Press. [45] Hertz, Ellen (1998). The Trading Crowd: An Ethnography of the Shanghai Stock Market. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [46] Ho, Karen (2009). Liquidated: an ethnography of Wall Street. Durham: Duke University Press. [47] Graeber, David (2001). Towards an Anthropological Theory of Value: The false coin of our own dreams. Basingstoke: Palgrave. [48] Carrier, James (1997). Meanings of the market: the Free Market in Western Culture. Oxford: Berg. [49] Carrier, James (1998). Virtualism: A New Political Economy. Oxford: Berg. [50] Cefkin, Melissa (2009). Ethnography and the Corporate Encounter. Oxford: Berghahn. [51] Ong, Aihwa (1987). Spirits of resistance and capitalist discipline: factory women in Malaysia. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. [52] Brenner, Suzanne (1998). The domestication of desire: women, wealth, and modernity in Java. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

[35] Humphrey, Caroline (1985). “Barter and Economic Disintegration”. Man 20 (1): 48. doi:10.2307/2802221.

[53] Freeman, Carla (2000). High tech and high heels in the gobal economy: women, work, and pink-collar identities in the Caribbean. Durham NC: Duke University Press.

[36] Graeber, David (2001). Toward an Anthropological Theory of Value: The False Coin of our Dreams. New York: Palgrave. p. 154.

[54] Mollona, Massimiliano (2009). Made in Sheffield. An ethnography of industrial work and politics. Oxford: Berghahn.

2.7. ETHNOBIOLOGY

[55] Rudnyckyj, Daromir (2010). Spiritual Economies: Islam, Globalization and the Afterlife of Development. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

2.6.8

73

2.7 Ethnobiology

Further reading

• “Wirtschaftsanthropologie”, special issue of the journal Historische Anthropologie, 17-2, 2009. • Dunham, S. Ann (2009). Dewey, Alice G.; Cooper, Nancy I., eds. Surviving against the Odds: Village Industry in Indonesia. a John Hope Franklin Center Book. Contributors: Maya Soetoro-Ng, Alice G. Dewey, Nancy I. Cooper, Robert W. Hefner. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press. ISBN 9780822346876. • Earle, Timothy (2008). “Economic anthropology,” The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd Edition. Abstract. • Graeber, David (2001). Toward an anthropological theory of value: the false coin of our own dreams. Logo for the Society of Ethnobiology New York: Palgrave. ISBN 978-0-312-24044-8. Ethnobiology is the scientific study of the way plants and OCLC 46822270. animals are treated or used by different human cultures. It • Graeber, David (2011). Debt: The First 5000 studies the dynamic relationships between peoples, biota, Years. Brooklyn, N.Y: Melville House. ISBN 978- and environments, from the distant past to the immediate present.[1] 1-933633-86-2. OCLC 426794447. • Gudeman, Stephen (2001). The Anthropology of “People-biota-environment” interactions around the Economy: Community, Market, and Culture. Black- world are documented and studied through time, across cultures, and across disciplines in a search for valid, well publishers. reliable answers to two 'defining' questions: “How and in • Halperin, Rhoda H. "New and Old in Economic An- what ways do human societies use nature, and how and thropology" American Anthropologist 84(2): 339- in what ways do human societies view nature?"[2] 349. 1982 • Haugerud, Angelique (2013). No Billionaire Left 2.7.1 History Behind: Satirical Activism in America. Stanford University Press. ISBN 9780804781534. Beginnings (15th century-19th century) • Landa, J.T. (1994). Trust, Ethnicity, and IdenNaturalists have been interested in local biological knowltity: Beyond the New Institutional Economics of edge since the time Europeans started colonising the Ethnic Trading Networks, Contract Law, and Giftworld, from the 15th century onwards.[3] Exchange. University of Michigan Press. ISBN 0472-10361-X. Europeans not only sought to understand • Orlove, B. S. (1986). “Barter and Cash Sale the new regions they intruded into but also on Lake Titicaca: A Test of Competing Apwere on the look-out for resources that they proaches”. Current Anthropology 27 (2): 85–106. might profitably exploit, engaging in practices doi:10.1086/203399. that today we should consider tantamount to biopiracy. Many new crops .. entered into • Wilk, R. (1996). Economies and Cultures: FoundaEurope during this period, such as the potato, tions of Economic Anthropology. Westview Press. tomato, pumpkin, maize, and tobacco.[3] (Page ISBN 0-8133-2059-3. 121)

2.6.9

External links

• The Society for Economic Anthropology

Local biological knowledge, collected and sampled over these early centuries significantly informed the early development of modern biology:[3]

74

CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES Phase II (1950s-1970s) Arising out of practices in Phase I (above) came a 'second phase' in the development of 'ethnobiology', with researchers now striving to better document and better understand how other peoples’ themselves “conceptualise and categorise” the natural world around them.[4] By the mid-20th century .. utilitarianfocussed studies started to give way to more cognitively framed ones, notably studies that centred on elucidating classificatory schemes.[3] (Page 122)

16th-century English map of the world showing extent of western geographic knowledge at that time (1599)

• during the 17th century Georg Eberhard Rumphius benefited from local biological knowledge in producing his catalogue, “Herbarium Amboinense”, covering more than 1 200 species of the plants of Indonesia; • during the 18th century, Carl Linnaeus relied upon Rumphius’s work, and also corresponded with other people all around the world when developing the biological classification scheme that now underlies the arrangement of much of the accumulated knowlSome Mangyan (who count the Hanunóo among their ) edge of the biological sciences. men, on Mindoro island, Philippines, where Harold Conklin did his ethnobiological work

• during the 19th century, Charles Darwin, the 'father' of evolutionary theory, on his Voyage of the BeaThis 'second' phase is marked:[4] gle took interest in the local biological knowledge of peoples he encountered. • in Northern America (mid 1950s) with Harold Conklin's completing his doctorate entitled “The relation of Hanunóo culture to the plant world” [6] Phase I (1900s-1940s) Ethnobiology itself, as a distinctive practice, only emerged during the 20th century as part of the records then being made about other peoples, and other cultures. As a practice, it was nearly always ancillary to other pursuits when documenting others’ languages, folklore, and natural resource use: At it earliest and most rudimentary, this comprised listing the names and uses of plants and animals in native non-Western or 'traditional' populations often in the context of salvage ethnography ..[ie] ethno-biology as the descriptive biological knowledge of 'primitive' peoples.[4]

• in Britain (mid 1960s) with the publication of Claude Lévi-Strauss' book The Savage Mind [7] legitimating “folk biological classification” as a worthy cross-cultural research endeavour • in (mid 1970s) with André-Georges Haudricourt's linguistic studies of botanical nomenclature[8] and R. Porteres’ and others work in economic biology.[9] Present (1980s-2000s)

By the turn of the 21st century ethnobiological practices, research, and findings have had a significant impact and influence across a number of fields of biological inquiry including ecology,[10] conservation biology,[11] [12] [13] This 'first phase' in the development of ethnobiology as a development studies, and political ecology. practice has been described as still having an essentially The Society of Ethnobiology advises on its web page: utilitarian purpose, often focusing on identifying those 'native' plants, animals and technologies of some potenEthnobiology is a rapidly growing field of tial use and value within increasingly dominant western research, gaining professional, student, and economic systems[4][5] public interest .. internationally

2.7. ETHNOBIOLOGY Ethnobiology has come out from its place as an ancillary practice in the shadows of other core pursuits, to arise as a whole field of inquiry and research in its own right: taught within many tertiary institutions and educational programmes around the world;[4] with its own methods manuals,[14] its own readers,[15] and its own textbooks[16]

2.7.2

Subjects of inquiry

Usage

75 Cross-cultural ethnobiology In cross cultural ethnobiology research, two or more communities participate simultaneously. This enables the researcher to compare how a bio-resource is used by different communities.[18]

2.7.3 Subdisciplines Ethnobotany Main article: Ethnobotany

All societies make use of the biological world in which they are situated, but there are wide differences in use, informed by perceived need, available technology, and the culture’s sense of morality and sustainability. Ethnobiologists investigate what lifeforms are used for what purposes, the particular techniques of use, the reasons for these choices, and symbolic and spiritual implications of them.

Taxonomy Different societies divide the living world up in different ways. Ethnobiologists attempt to record the words used in particular cultures for living things, from the most specific (analogous to species names in Linnean biology) to more general (such as 'tree' and even more generally 'plant'). They also try to understand the overall structure or hierarchy of the classification system (if there is one; there is ongoing debate as to whether there must always be an implied hierarchy.[17]

Cosmological, moral and spiritual significance

Ethnobotany investigates the relationship between human societies and plants: how humans use plants- as food, technology, medicine, and in ritual contexts; how they view and understand them; and their symbolic and spiritual role in a culture. Ethnozoology Main article: Ethnozoology

The subfield ethnozoology focuses on the relationship between animals and humans throughout human history. It studies human practices such as hunting, fishing and animal husbandry in space and time, and human perspectives about animals such as their place in the moral and spiritual realms. Ethnoecology

Societies invest themselves and their world with meaning Main article: Ethnoecology partly through their answers to questions like “how did the world happen?", “how and why did people come to Ethnoecology refers to an increasingly dombe?", “what are proper practices, and why?", and “what inant 'ethnobiological' research paradigm forealities exist beyond or behind our physical experience?" cused, primarily, on documenting, describing, Understanding these elements of a societies’ perspective and understanding how other peoples perceive, is important to cultural research in general, and ethnobimanage, and use whole ecosystems. ologists investigate how a societies’ view of the natural world informs and is informed by them.

2.7.4 Other disciplines Traditional ecological knowledge

Studies and writings within ethnobiology involve and draw upon the research and researchers from across such In order to live effectively in a given place, a people needs disciplines and fields of knowledge as;[1] to understand the particulars of their environment, and many traditional societies have complex and subtle under• archaeology, standings of the places in which they live. Ethnobiologists seek to share in these understandings, subject to ethical • geography, concerns regarding intellectual property and cultural appropriation. • linguistics,

76

CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES

• systematics,

• Ethnomedicine

• population biology,

• Ethnomycology

• ecology,

• Hawaiian Ethnobiology

• cultural anthropology,

• Indigenous intellectual property

• ethnography,

• Historical ecology

• pharmacology,

• Traditional knowledge

• nutrition, • conservation, and • sustainable development.

2.7.5

Ethics

2.7.7 Footnotes [1] Society of Ethnobiology’s “What is Ethnobiology” webpage Accessed 12 April 2008 [2] Berlin, Brent (1992) Page 4

Through much of the history of ethnobiology, its practitioners were primarily from dominant cultures, and the benefit of their work often accrued to the dominant culture, with little control or benefit invested in the indigenous peoples whose practice and knowledge they recorded.

[3] Sillitoe, Paul (2006)

Just as many of those indigenous societies work to assert legitimate control over physical resources such as traditional lands or artistic and ritual objects, many work to assert legitimate control over their intellectual property.

[6] Conklin, H.C. (1954)

[4] Ellen, Roy (2006) [5] Examples of studies from this 'first' phase in the development of ethnobiology include Stevenson (1915), Castetter (1944) and Harrington (1947)

[7] Lévi-Strauss, Claude (1966) [8] Haudricourt, Andre-Georges (1973)

In an age when the potential exists for large profits from the discovery of, for example, new food crops or medici- [9] Porteres, R. (1977) nal plants, modern ethnobiologists must consider intellec[10] for instances of ethnobiology’s influence on ecology, see tual property rights, the need for informed consent, the Balée (1998); Plotkin (1995); Schultes & von Reis (1995) potential for harm to informants, and their “debt to the societies in which they work”.[19] [11] for instances of ethnobiology’s influence on conservation biology see Cunningham (2001); Johannes (1989); Laird Furthermore, these questions must be considered not only (2002); Tuxill & Nabhan (2001) in light of western industrialized nations’ common understanding of ethics and law, but also in light of the ethical [12] for an instancing of ethnobiology’s influence on develand legal standards of the societies from which the ethopment studies, see Warren, Slikkerveer & Brokensha nobiologist draws information.[20] (1995)

2.7.6

See also

• Anthropology • Biocultural diversity • Cultural landscapes • Darrell A. Posey • Declaration of Belem • Ethnobotany • Ethnoecology

[13] for an instancing of ethnobiology’s influence on political ecology see Zerner (2000) [14] Ethnbiology methods manuals include Alexiades (1996) and Martin (1995) [15] one Ethnobiology reader is Minnis (2000) [16] one Ethnobiology textbook is Cotton (1996) [17] Ellen, Roy (1993) pages 216 forward [18] Franco, F.M. and Narasimhan, D. (2012). Ethnobotany of the Kondh, Poraja, Gadaba and Bonda of the Koraput region of Odisha, India. D.K. Printworld, New Delhi

• Ethnoentomology

[19] Code of Ethics of the American Anthropological Association, section A

• Ethnoichthyology

[20] Dodson (2007)

2.7. ETHNOBIOLOGY

2.7.8

References

• ALEXIADES, M.N. (1996) Selected guidelines for ethnobotanical research: a field manual. The New York Botanical Garden. New York. • BALLEE, W (1998) (ed.) Advances in historical ecology. New York: Columbia University Press.

77 • LEVI-STRAUSS, Claude (1966). The savage mind. Weidenfeld & Nicolson. London. • MARTIN, G.J (1995) Ethnobotany: a methods manual. Chapman & Hall. London. • MINNIS, P (Ed) (2000) Ethnobotany: a reader. University of Oklahoma Press. Norman.

• BERLIN, Brent (1992) Ethnobiological Classification - Principles of Categorization of Plants and Animals in Traditional Societies. Princeton University Press, 1992.

• PLOTKIN, M.J (1995) “The importance of ethnobotany for tropical forest conservation.” in R.E. Schultes & Siri von Reis (Eds) Ethnobotany: evolution of a discipline (eds) Chapman & Hall. London. Pages 147-156.

• CASTETTER, E.F. (1944) “The domain of ethnobiology”. The American Naturalist. Volume 78. Number 774. Pages 158-170.

• PORTERES, R. (1977)."Ethnobotanique.” Encyclopaedia Universalis Organum Number 17. Pages 326-330.

• CONKLIN, H.C. (1954) The relation of Hanunóo culture to the plant world. PhD dissertation, Yale University.

• POSEY, D.A & W. L. Overal (Eds.), 1990) Ethnobiology: Implications and Applications. Proceedings of the First International Congress of Ethnobiology. Belém: Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi.

• COTTON, C.M (1996) Ethnobotany: principles and applications. John Wiley. London. • CUNNINGHAM, A.B (2001) Applied ethnobotany: people, wild plant use and conservation. Earthscan. London • DODSON, Michael (2007). “Report of the Secretariat on Indigenous traditional knowledge” (PDF). Report to the United Nation’s Economic and Social Council’s Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, Sixth Session, New York, 14–25 May. United Nation’s Economic and Social Council. New York. Retrieved 2007-11-28. • ELLEN, Roy (1993) The Cultural Relations of Classification, an Analysis of Nuaulu Animal Categories from Central Seram. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. • ELLEN, Roy (2006). “Introduction” (PDF). Special Edition of the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute. S1-S22. Retrieved 2008-04-21. • HARRINGTON, J.P (1947) “Ethnobiology”. Acta Americana. Number 5. Pages 244-247 • HAUDRICOURT, Andre-Georges (1973) “Botanical nomenclature and its translation.” In M. Teich & R Young (Eds) Changing perspectives in the history of science: Essays in honour of Joseph Needham Heinemann. London. Pages 265-273.

• POSEY, D. A. (Ed.), (1999) Cultural and Spiritual Values of Biodiversity. London: United Nations Environmental Programme & Intermediate Technology Publications. • SCHULTES, R.E. & VON REIS, S (1995) (Eds) Ethnobotany: evolution of a discipline (eds) Chapman & Hall. London. Part 6. • SILLITOE, Paul (2006) “Ethnobiology and applied anthropology: rapprochement of the academic with the practical”. Special Edition of the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute S119-S142 • STEVENSON, M.C. (1914) “Ethnobotany of the Zuni Indians.” Bureau of American Ethnology Annual Report. Volume 30. Number 31102, Government Printing Office. Washington, D.C. • TUXILL, J & NABHAN, G.P (2001) People, plants and protected area. Earthscan. London. • WARREN, D.M; SLIKKERVEER, L; & BROKENSHA, D. (Eds) (1995) The cultural dimension of development: indigenous knowledge systems. Intermediate Technology Publications. London. • ZERNER, C (Ed) (2000) People, plants and justice: the politics of nature conservation. Columbia University Press. New York. • Balancing Act Research and Education (B.A.R.E.) (1996) Ecosystem Management Director and Ethnobotanist Lyncho Ruiz

• JOHANNES, R.E (Ed)(1989) Traditional ecological knowledge. IUCN, The World Conservation Participatory ethnobotanical lab and field research station Union. Cambridge to encourage the involvement of local youth in detailed • LAIRD, S.A. (Ed) (2002) Biodiversity and tradi- nutrition methodological propagation and restoration of tional knowledge: equitable partnerships in practice. local threatened species. Will provide a unique opportuEarthscan. London. nity to further its goal of protecting our natural heritage.

78

2.7.9

CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES

External links

• Biology on-line “Ethnobiology” articles

time. Ethnography is a qualitative design, where the researcher explains about shared learnt patterns of values, behaviour, beliefs, and language of a culture shared by a group of people.

• Ethnobiology — Traditional Biological Knowledge in Contemporary Global Context. (Athabasca Uni- The field of anthropology originated from Europe and England designed in late 19th century. It spread its versity Course Resource List) roots to the United States at the beginning of the 20th century. Some of the main contributors like E.B Tay• International Society of Ethnobiology lor (1832-1917) from Britain and Lewis Henry Morgan (1818-1881), an American scientist were consid• Journal of Ethnobiology ered as founders of cultural and social dimensions. • Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine Franz Boas (1858-1942), Bronislaw Malinowski (1858— 1942), Ruth Benedict and Margaret Mead (1901-1978), • Society of Ethnobiology were a group of researchers from United States who contributed the idea of cultural relativism to the literature. Boas’s approach focused on the utilization of documents and informants, whereas, Malinowski stated that a re2.8 Ethnography searcher should be engrossed with the work for long periods in the field and do a participant observation by living For the journal, see Ethnography (journal). with the informant and experiencing their way of life. He gives the view point of the native and this became the oriEthnography (from Greek ἔθνος ethnos “folk, people, gin of field work and field methods. nation” and γράφω grapho “I write”) is the systematic study of people and cultures. It is designed to explore Since Malinowski was very firm with his approach he apcultural phenomena where the researcher observes soci- plied it practically and travelled to Trobriand Island which ety from the point of view of the subject of the study. was located off the eastern coast of New Guinea. He was An ethnography is a means to represent graphically and interested in learning the language of the islanders and in writing the culture of a group. The word can thus be stayed there for a long time doing his field work. The field said to have a “double meaning,” which partly depends on of ethnography became very popular in the late 19th cenwhether it is used as a count noun or uncountably.[1] The tury, as many social scientists gained an interest in studyresulting field study or a case report reflects the knowl- ing modern society. Again, in the latter part of the 19th edge and the system of meanings in the lives of a cultural century, the field of anthropology became a good for scientific formation. Though the field was flourishgroup.[2][3][4] ing it had a lot of threat to encounter. Post colonialism, Ethnography, as the presentation of empirical data on the research climate shifted towards post-modernism and human societies and cultures, was pioneered in the bi- feminism. Therefore, the field of anthropology moved ological, social, and cultural branches of anthropology, into discipline of social science. but it has also become popular in the social sciences in general—sociology,[5] communication studies, history— wherever people study ethnic groups, formations, compositions, resettlements, social welfare characteristics, ma- 2.8.2 Origins teriality, spirituality, and a people’s ethnogenesis.[6] The typical ethnography is a holistic study[7][8] and so includes Gerhard Friedrich Müller developed the concept of a brief history, and an analysis of the terrain, the climate, ethnography as a separate discipline whilst participatand the habitat. In all cases it should be reflexive, make a ing in the Second Kamchatka Expedition (1733–43) as substantial contribution toward the understanding of the a professor of history and geography. Whilst involved social life of humans, have an aesthetic impact on the in the expedition, he differentiated Völker-Beschreibung reader, and express a credible reality. An ethnography as a distinct area of study. This became known records all observed behavior and describes all symbolas Ethnography.[9] August Ludwig von Schlözer and meaning relations, using concepts that avoid causal exChristoph Wilhelm Jacob Gatterer of the University of planations. Göttingen introduced the term into academic discourse in an attempt to reform the contemporary understanding of world history.[9] 2.8.1 History and meaning The word 'Ethnography' is derived from the Greek ἔθνος (ethnós), meaning “a company, later a people, nation” and '-graphy meaning “field of study”. Ethnographic studies focus on large cultural groups of people who interact over

Herodotus known as the Father of History had significant works on the cultures of various peoples beyond the Hellenic realm such as nations in Scythia, which earned him the title “Barbarian lover” and may have produced the first ethnographic works.

2.8. ETHNOGRAPHY

2.8.3

Forms of ethnography

There are different forms of ethnography, confessional ethnography, life history, feminist ethnography etc. Two popular forms of ethnography are realist ethnography and critical ethnography. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 93)

79 is mainly verbal explanations, where statistical analysis and quantification play a subordinate role. • Methodological discussions focus more on questions about how to report findings in the field than on methods of data collection and interpretation. • Ethnographies focus on describing the culture of a group in very detailed and complex manner. The ethnography can be of the entire group or a subpart of it.

Realist ethnography: is a traditional approach used by cultural anthropologists. Characterized by Van Maanen (1988), it reflects a particular instance taken by the researcher toward the individual being studied. It’s an ob• It involves engaging in extensive field work where jective study of the situation. It’s composed from a third data collection is mainly by interviews, symbols, persons perspective by getting the data from the artefacts, observations, and many other sources of on the site. The ethnographer stays as omniscient corredata. spondent of actualities out of sight. The realist reports • The researcher in ethnography type of research, information in a measured style uncontaminated by indilooks for patterns of the groups mental activities, vidual predisposition, political objectives and judgment. that is their ideas and beliefs expressed through lanThe analyst will give detailed report of everyday life of guage or other activities, and how they behave in the individuals under study. The ethnographer also uses their groups as expressed through their actions that standard categories for cultural description (e.g., family the researcher observed. life, communication network). The ethnographer produces the participant’s views through closely edited quotations and has the final work on how the culture is to be 2.8.5 Procedures for conducting ethnograinterpreted and presented. (Qualitative Inquiry and Rephy search Design, 93) Critical ethnography: is a kind of ethnographic research in which the creators advocate for the liberation of groups which are marginalized in society. Critical researchers typically are politically minded people who look for to take a stand in opposition to inequality and domination. For example, critical ethnographer might study schools that provide privileges to certain types of students, or counselling practices that serve to overlook the needs of underrepresented groups. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 94). The important components of a critical ethnography incorporate a value- laden introduction, empowering people by giving them more authority, challenging the status quo and addressing concerns about power and control. A critical ethnographer will study issues of power, empowerment, inequality inequity, dominance, repression, hegemony and victimization. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 94)

2.8.4

Features of ethnographic research

• Involves investigation of very few cases, maybe just one case, in detail. • Often involves working with primarily unconstructed data. This data had not been coded at the point of data collection in of a closed set of analytic categories. • Emphasises on exploring social phenomenon rather than testing hypotheses. • Data analysis involves interpretation of the functions and meanings of human actions. The product of this

• Determine if ethnography is the most appropriate design to use to study the research problem. Ethnography is suitable if the needs are to describe how a cultural group works and to explore their beliefs, language, behaviours and also issues faced by the group, such as power, resistance and dominance. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 94) • Then identify and locate a culture sharing group to study. This group is one whose have been together for an extended period of time, so that their shared language, patterns of behaviour and attitudes have merged into discernable patterns. This group can also be a group that has been marginalized by society. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 94) • Select cultural themes, issues or theories to study about the group. These themes, issues and theories provide an orienting framework for the study of the culture-sharing group. As discussed by Hammersley and Arkinson (1995), Wolcott (1987, 1994b, 20081), and Fetterman (2010). The ethnographer begins the study by examining people in interaction in ordinary settings and discerns pervasive patterns such as life cycles, events and cultural themes. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 94-95) • For studying cultural concepts, determine which type of ethnography to use. Perhaps how the group works need to be described, or a critical ethnography can expose issues such as power, hegemony and advocacy for certain groups (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 95)

80 • Should collect information in the context or setting where the group works or lives. This is called fieldwork. Types of information typically needed in ethnography are collected by going to the research site, respecting the daily lives of individuals at the site and collecting a wide variety of materials. Field issues of respect, reciprocity, deciding who owns the data and others are central to ethnography (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 95) • From the many sources collected, the ethnographer analyzes the data for a description of the culturesharing group, themes that emerge from the group and an overall interpretation (Wolcott, 1994b). The researcher begins to compile a detailed description of the culture-sharing group, by focusing on a single event, on several activities, or on the group over a prolonged period of time.

CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES • It is dialogic. It is conducted by a researcher whose interpretations and findings may be expounded on by the study’s participants while conclusions are still in the process of formulation. • It is holistic. It is conducted so as to yield the fullest possible portrait of the group under study.

2.8.7 Data collection methods

Data collection methods are meant to capture the “social meanings and ordinary activities” [10] of people (informants) in “naturally occurring settings” [10] that are commonly referred to as “the field.” The goal is to collect data in such a way that the researcher imposes a minimal amount of personal bias on the data.[10] Multiple methods of data collection may be employed to facili• Forge a working set of rules or generalisations as tate a relationship that allows for a more personal and to how the culture sharing group works as the final in-depth portrait of the informants and their community. product of this analysis. The final product is a holis- These can include participant observation, field notes, intic cultural portrait of the group that incorporates the terviews, and surveys. views of the participants (emic) as well as the views Interviews are often taped and later transcribed, allowing of the researcher (etic). It might also advocate for the interview to proceed unimpaired of note-taking, but the needs of the group or suggest changes in society. with all information available later for full analysis. Sec(Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 96) ondary research and document analysis are also used to provide insight into the research topic. In the past, kinship charts were commonly used to “discover logical pat2.8.6 Ethnography as method terns and social structure in non-Western societies”.[11] In the 21st century, anthropology focuses more on the study The ethnographic method is different from other ways of of people in urban settings and the use of kinship charts conducting social science approach due to the following is seldom employed. reasons: In order to make the data collection and interpretation • It is field-based. It is conducted in the settings in transparent, researchers creating ethnographies often atwhich real people actually live, rather than in labo- tempt to be “reflexive”. Reflexivity refers to the reratories where the researcher controls the elements searcher’s aim “to explore the ways in which [the] researcher’s involvement with a particular study influences, of the behaviours to be observed or measured. acts upon and informs such research”.[12] Despite these • It is personalized. It is conducted by researchers attempts of reflexivity, no researcher can be totally unbiwho are in day-to day, face-to-face with the ased. This factor has provided a basis to criticize ethnogpeople they are studying and who are thus both par- raphy. ticipants in and observers of the lives under study. Traditionally, the ethnographer focuses attention on a • It is multifactorial. It is conducted through the use of community, selecting knowledgeable informants who [13] These intwo or more data collection techniques - which may know the activities of the community well. be qualitative or quantitative in nature - in order to formants are typically asked to identify other informants who represent the community, often using snowball or get a conclusion. chain sampling.[13] This process is often effective in re• It requires a long term commitment i.e. it is con- vealing common cultural denominators connected to the ducted by researcher who intends to interact with topic being studied.[13] Ethnography relies greatly on uppeople they are studying for an extended period of close, personal experience. Participation, rather than just time. The exact time frame can vary from several observation, is one of the keys to this process.[14] Ethnogweeks to a year or more. raphy is very useful in social research. • It is inductive. It is conducted in such a way to use an accumulation of descriptive detail to build toward general patterns or explanatory theories rather than structured to test hypotheses derived from existing theories or models.

Ybema et al. (2010) examine the ontological and epistemological presuppositions underlying ethnography. Ethnographic research can range from a realist perspective, in which behavior is observed, to a constructivist perspective where understanding is socially constructed

2.8. ETHNOGRAPHY

81 is the novel contains a specific image in the perspective of the interpreting individual and can only be expressed by the individual in the of “I can tell you what an image is by telling you what it feels like.”[16] The idea of an image relies on the imagination and has been seen to be utilized by children in a very spontaneous and natural manner. Effectively, the idea of the image is a primary tool for ethnographers to collect data. The image presents the perspective, experiences, and influences of an individual as a single entity and in consequence the individual will always contain this image in the group under study.

A picture of the Izmir Ethnography Museum (İzmir Etnografya Müzesi) from the courtyard.

2.8.8 Differences across disciplines The ethnographic method is used across a range of different disciplines, primarily by anthropologists but also occasionally by sociologists. Cultural studies, sociology, economics, social work, education, design, psychology, computer science, human factors and ergonomics, ethnomusicology, folklore, religious studies, geography, history, linguistics, communication studies, performance studies, advertising, urban planning, usability, political science,[17] , social movement [18] , and criminology are other fields which have made use of ethnography.

Cultural and social anthropology

Ethnography museum

by the researcher and subjects. Research can range from an objectivist of fixed, observable behaviors to an interpretivist narrative describing “the interplay of individual agency and social structure.”[15] Critical theory researchers address “issues of power within the researcherresearched relationships and the links between knowledge and power.”

Cultural anthropology and social anthropology were developed around ethnographic research and their canonical texts, which are mostly ethnographies: e.g. Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922) by Bronisław Malinowski, Ethnologische Excursion in Johore (1875) by Nicholas Miklouho-Maclay, Coming of Age in Samoa (1928) by Margaret Mead, The Nuer (1940) by E. E. EvansPritchard, Naven (1936, 1958) by Gregory Bateson, or "The Lele of the Kasai" (1963) by Mary Douglas. Cultural and social anthropologists today place a high value on doing ethnographic research. The typical ethnography is a document written about a particular people, almost always based at least in part on emic views of where the culture begins and ends. Using language or community boundaries to bound the ethnography is common.[19] Ethnographies are also sometimes called “case studies.”[20] Ethnographers study and interpret culture, its universalities and its variations through ethnographic study based on fieldwork. An ethnography is a specific kind of written observational science which provides an of a particular culture, society, or community. The fieldwork usually involves spending a year or more in another society, living with the local people and learning about their ways of life.

Another form of data collection is that of the “image.” The image is the projection that an individual puts onto an object or abstract idea. An image can be contained within the physical world through a particular individual’s perspective, primarily based on that individual’s past ex- Ethnographers are participant observers. They take part periences. One example of an image is how an individual in events they study because it helps with understandviews a novel after completing it. The physical entity that ing local behavior and thought. Classic examples are

82 Carol B. Stack's All Our Kin,[21] Jean Briggs’ Never in Anger, Richard Lee's Kalahari Hunter-Gatherers, Victor Turner's Forest of Symbols, David Maybry-Lewis’ AkewShavante Society, E.E. Evans-Pritchard's The Nuer, and Claude Lévi-Strauss' Tristes Tropiques. Iterations of ethnographic representations in the classic, modernist camp include Joseph W. Bastien’s "Drum and Stethoscope" (1992), Bartholomew Dean’s recent (2009) contribution, Urarina Society, Cosmology, and History in Peruvian Amazonia.[22]

Bronisław Malinowski among Trobriand tribe

CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES culturation, and emic views on personality and values usually follow after sections on social structure.[24] Rites, rituals, and other evidence of religion have long been an interest and are sometimes central to ethnographies, especially when conducted in public where visiting anthropologists can see them.[25] As ethnography developed, anthropologists grew more interested in less tangible aspects of culture, such as values, worldview and what Clifford Geertz termed the “ethos” of the culture. In his fieldwork, Geertz used elements of a phenomenological approach, tracing not just the doings of people, but the cultural elements themselves. For example, if within a group of people, winking was a communicative gesture, he sought to first determine what kinds of things a wink might mean (it might mean several things). Then, he sought to determine in what contexts winks were used, and whether, as one moved about a region, winks remained meaningful in the same way. In this way, cultural boundaries of communication could be explored, as opposed to using linguistic boundaries or notions about residence. Geertz, while still following something of a traditional ethnographic outline, moved outside that outline to talk about “webs” instead of “outlines”[26] of culture. Within cultural anthropology, there are several subgenres of ethnography. Beginning in the 1950s and early 1960s, anthropologists began writing “bio-confessional” ethnographies that intentionally exposed the nature of ethnographic research. Famous examples include Tristes Tropiques (1955) by Lévi-Strauss, The High Valley by Kenneth Read, and The Savage and the Innocent by David Maybury-Lewis, as well as the mildly fictionalized Return to Laughter by Elenore Smith Bowen (Laura Bohannan).

Part of the ethnographic collection of the Međimurje County Museum in Croatia

A typical ethnography attempts to be holistic[7][8] and typically follows an outline to include a brief history of the culture in question, an analysis of the physical geography or terrain inhabited by the people under study, including climate, and often including what biological anthropologists call habitat. Folk notions of botany and zoology are presented as ethnobotany and ethnozoology alongside references from the formal sciences. Material culture, technology, and means of subsistence are usually treated next, as they are typically bound up in physical geography and include descriptions of infrastructure. Kinship and social structure (including age grading, peer groups, gender, voluntary associations, clans, moieties, and so forth, if they exist) are typically included. Languages spoken, dialects, and the history of language change are another group of standard topics.[23] Practices of childrearing, ac-

Later "reflexive" ethnographies refined the technique to translate cultural differences by representing their effects on the ethnographer. Famous examples include Deep Play: Notes on a Balinese Cockfight by Clifford Geertz, Reflections on Fieldwork in Morocco by Paul Rabinow, The Hean and I by Jean-Paul Dumont, and Tuhami by Vincent Crapanzano. In the 1980s, the rhetoric of ethnography was subjected to intense scrutiny within the discipline, under the general influence of literary theory and post-colonial/post-structuralist thought. “Experimental” ethnographies that reveal the ferment of the discipline include Shamanism, Colonialism, and the Wild Man by Michael Taussig, Debating Muslims by Michael F. J. Fischer and Mehdi Abedi, A Space on the Side of the Road by Kathleen Stewart, and Advocacy after Bhopal by Kim Fortun. This critical turn in sociocultural anthropology during the mid-1980s can be traced to the influence of the now classic (and often contested) text, Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography, (1986) edited by James Clifford and George Marcus. Writing Culture helped bring changes to both anthropology and ethnography often described in of being 'postmodern,' 'reflexive,'

2.8. ETHNOGRAPHY 'literary,' 'deconstructive,' or 'poststructural' in nature, in that the text helped to highlight the various epistemic and political predicaments that many practitioners saw as plaguing ethnographic representations and practices.[27] Where Geertz’s and Turner’s interpretive anthropology recognized subjects as creative actors who constructed their sociocultural worlds out of symbols, postmodernists attempted to draw attention to the privileged status of the ethnographers themselves. That is, the ethnographer cannot escape the personal viewpoint in creating an ethnographic , thus making any claims of objective neutrality highly problematic, if not altogether impossible.[28] In regards to this last point, Writing Culture became a focal point for looking at how ethnographers could describe different cultures and societies without denying the subjectivity of those individuals and groups being studied while simultaneously doing so without laying claim to absolute knowledge and objective authority.[29] Along with the development of experimental forms such as 'dialogic anthropology,' 'narrative ethnography,'[30] and 'literary ethnography',[31] Writing Culture helped to encourage the development of 'collaborative ethnography.'[32] This exploration of the relationship between writer, audience, and subject has become a central tenet of contemporary anthropological and ethnographic practice. In certain instances, active collaboration between the researcher(s) and subject(s) has helped blend the practice of collaboration in ethnographic fieldwork with the process of creating the ethnographic product resulting from the research.[32][33][34] Sociology Sociology is another field which prominently features ethnographies. Urban sociology and the Chicago School in particular are associated with ethnographic research, with some well-known early examples being Street Corner Society by William Foote Whyte and Black Metropolis by St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton, Jr.. Major influences on this development were anthropologist Lloyd Warner, on the Chicago sociology faculty, and to Robert Park's experience as a journalist. Symbolic interactionism developed from the same tradition and yielded such sociological ethnographies as Shared Fantasy by Gary Alan Fine, which documents the early history of fantasy role-playing games. Other important ethnographies in sociology include Pierre Bourdieu's work on Algeria and . Jaber F. Gubrium’s series of organizational ethnographies focused on the everyday practices of illness, care, and recovery are notable. They include Living and Dying at Murray Manor, which describes the social worlds of a nursing home; Describing Care: Image and Practice in Rehabilitation, which documents the social organization of patient subjectivity in a physical rehabilitation hospital; Caretakers: Treating Emotionally Disturbed Children, which features the social construction of behavioral disor-

83 ders in children; and Oldtimers and Alzheimer’s: The Descriptive Organization of Senility, which describes how the Alzheimer’s disease movement constructed a new subjectivity of senile dementia and how that is organized in a geriatric hospital. Another approach to ethnography in sociology comes in the form of institutional ethnography, developed by Dorothy E. Smith for studying the social relations which structure people’s everyday lives. Other notable ethnographies include Paul Willis's Learning to Labour, on working class youth; the work of Elijah Anderson, Mitchell Duneier, and Loïc Wacquant on black America, and Lai Olurode’s Glimpses of Madrasa From Africa. But even though many sub-fields and theoretical perspectives within sociology use ethnographic methods, ethnography is not the sine qua non of the discipline, as it is in cultural anthropology.

Communication studies Beginning in the 1960s and 1970s, ethnographic research methods began to be widely used by communication scholars. As the purpose of ethnography is to describe and interpret the shared and learned patterns of values, behaviors, beliefs and language of a culturesharing group, Harris, (1968), also Agar (1980) note that ethnography is both a process and an outcome of the research. Studies such as Gerry Philipsen’s analysis of cultural communication strategies in a blue-collar, workingclass neighborhood on the south side of Chicago, Speaking 'Like a Man' in Teamsterville, paved the way for the expansion of ethnographic research in the study of communication. Scholars of communication studies use ethnographic research methods to analyze communicative behaviors and phenomena. This is often characterized in the writing as attempts to understand taken-for-granted routines by which working definitions are socially produced. Ethnography as a method is a storied, careful, and systematic examination of the reality-generating mechanisms of everyday life (Coulon, 1995). Ethnographic work in communication studies seeks to explain “how” ordinary methods/practices/performances construct the ordinary actions used by ordinary people in the accomplishments of their identities. This often gives the perception of trying to answer the “why” and “how come” questions of human communication.[35] Often this type of research results in a case study or field study such as an analysis of speech patterns at a protest rally, or the way firemen communicate during “down time” at a fire station. Like anthropology scholars, communication scholars often immerse themselves, and participate in and/or directly observe the particular social group being studied.[36]

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Other fields The American anthropologist George Spindler was a pioneer in applying ethnographic methodology to the classroom. Anthropologists such as Daniel Miller and Mary Douglas have used ethnographic data to answer academic questions about consumers and consumption. In this sense, Tony Salvador, Genevieve Bell, and Ken Anderson describe design ethnography as being “a way of understanding the particulars of daily life in such a way as to increase the success probability of a new product or service or, more appropriately, to reduce the probability of failure specifically due to a lack of understanding of the basic behaviors and frameworks of consumers.”[37] Sociologist Sam Ladner argues in her book,[38] that understanding consumers and their desires requires a shift in “standpoint,” one that only ethnography provides. The results are products and services that respond to consumers’ unmet needs. Businesses, too, have found ethnographers helpful for understanding how people use products and services. Companies make increasing use of ethnographic methods to understand consumers and consumption, or for new product development (such as video ethnography). The recent Ethnographic Praxis in Industry (EPIC) conference in 2008 was evidence of this. Ethnographers’ systematic and holistic approach to real-life experience is valued by product developers, who use the method to understand unstated desires or cultural practices that surround products. Where focus groups fail to inform marketers about what people really do, ethnography links what people say to what they do—avoiding the pitfalls that come from relying only on self-reported, focus-group data.

2.8.9

Evaluating ethnography

Ethnographic methodology is not usually evaluated in of philosophical standpoint (such as positivism and emotionalism). Ethnographic studies need to be evaluated in some manner. No consensus has been developed on evaluation standards, but Richardson (2000, p. 254)[39] provides five criteria that ethnographers might find helpful. Jaber F. Gubrium and James A. Holstein’s (1997) monograph, The New Language of Qualitative Method, discusses forms of ethnography in of their “methods talk.” 1. Substantive contribution: “Does the piece contribute to our understanding of social-life?" 2. Aesthetic merit: “Does this piece succeed aesthetically?" 3. Reflexivity: “How did the author come to write this text…Is there adequate self-awareness and selfexposure for the reader to make judgments about the point of view?"[40]

4. Impact: “Does this affect me? Emotionally? Intellectually?" Does it move me? 5. Expresses a reality: “Does it seem 'true'—a credible of a cultural, social, individual, or communal sense of the 'real'?"

2.8.10 Challenges of ethnography Ethnography is one of the most in-depth studies. Ethnography, which is a method dedicated entirely to field work, is aimed at gaining a deeper insight of a certain people’s knowledge and social culture. Ethnography’s advantages are due to: • It can open up certain experiences during group research where other research methods fail to cover. • The notions that are taken for granted can be undoubtedly covered and confronted. • Most essentially it helps in vast varied understanding about the depth of knowledge. • However, there are certain challenges faced by when we tend to use ethnography method of research during field work, they are as mentioned below: • An expert knowledge required: Ethnographers need to have vast knowledge about their arena and need good training, experience along with supervision, and a proper Know – how about their methods of data analysis. • Sensitivity Level: The level of sensitivity of the subjective individual being studied is most vital, as culture is a very vulnerable issue and proper care must be seen to avoid harm to individuals. • Access: Negotiating access to field sites and participants can be time-consuming and difficult. Secretive or guarded organizations may require different approaches in order for researchers to succeed.[41] • Duration: Research can involve prolonged time in the field, particularly because building trust with participants is necessary for obtaining rich data. • Ethics and values: In of ethics - as sensitive cultures are brought for studies, ethnographers can bring their own experiences which can cause biasedness’ during the study conducted. • Descriptive approach: It has a story telling approach which can impose as a limitation for the audience to link and can be a bit challenging for the authors that are used to the conventional approach to scientific writing. • Ethnography provides the key to help people use outside their culture see what other cultures do and why do they do accordingly.

2.8. ETHNOGRAPHY

2.8.11

Ethics

Gary Alan Fine argues that the nature of ethnographic inquiry demands that researchers deviate from formal and idealistic rules or ethics that have come to be widely accepted in qualitative and quantitative approaches in research. Many of these ethical assumptions are rooted in positivist and post-positivist epistemologies that have adapted over time, but are apparent and must be ed for in all research paradigms. These ethical dilemmas are evident throughout the entire process of conducting ethnographies, including the design, implementation, and reporting of an ethnographic study. Essentially, Fine maintains that researchers are typically not as ethical as they claim or assume to be — and that “each job includes ways of doing things that would be inappropriate for others to know”.[42]

85 • Conducting Research-When conducting research Anthropologists need to be aware of the potential impacts of the research on the people and animals they study.[48] If the seeking of new knowledge will negatively impact the people and animals they will be studying they may not undertake the study according to the code of ethics.[48] • Teaching-When teaching the discipline of anthropology, instructors are required to inform students of the ethical dilemmas of conducting ethnographies and field work.[49] • Application-When conducting an ethnography, Anthropologists must be “open with funders, colleagues, persons studied or providing information, and relevant parties affected by the work about the purpose(s), potential impacts, and source(s) of for the work.” [50]

Fine is not necessarily casting blame at ethnographic researchers, but tries to show that researchers often make idealized ethical claims and standards which in are inher• Dissemination of Results-When disseminating reently based on partial truths and self-deceptions. Fine sults of an ethnography, "[a]nthropologists have an also acknowledges that many of these partial truths and ethical obligation to consider the potential impact of self-deceptions are unavoidable. He maintains that “ilboth their research and the communication or dislusions” are essential to maintain an occupational reputasemination of the results of their research on all dition and avoid potentially more caustic consequences. He rectly or indirectly involved.” [51] Research results claims, “Ethnographers cannot help but lie, but in lying, of ethnographies should not be withheld from parwe reveal truths that escape those who are not so bold”.[43] ticipants in the research if that research is being obBased on these assertions, Fine establishes three concepserved by other people.[50] tual clusters in which ethnographic ethical dilemmas can be situated: “Classic Virtues”, “Technical Skills”, and Classic virtues “Ethnographic Self”. Much debate surrounding the issue of ethics arose following revelations about how the ethnographer Napoleon Chagnon conducted his ethnographic fieldwork with the Yanomani people of South America.

• “The kindly ethnographer” – Most ethnographers present themselves as being more sympathetic than they are, which aids in the research process, but is also deceptive. The identity that we present to subjects is different from who we are in other circumstances.

While there is no international standard on Ethnographic Ethics, many western anthropologists look to the American Anthropological Association for guidance when con• “The friendly ethnographer” – Ethnographers operducting ethnographic work.[44] In 2009 the Association ate under the assumption that they should not disadopted a code of ethics, stating: Anthropologists have like anyone. When ethnographers find they intensely “moral obligations as of other groups, such dislike individuals encountered in the research, they as the family, religion, and community, as well as the may crop them out of the findings.[52] [45] profession”. The code of ethics notes that anthropologists are part of a wider scholarly and political network, • “The honest ethnographer” – If research participants as well as human and natural environment, which needs know the research goals, their responses will likely to be reported on respectfully.[45] The code of ethics be skewed. Therefore, ethnographers often conceal recognizes that sometimes very close and personal relawhat they know in order to increase the likelihood tionship can sometimes develop from doing ethnographic of acceptance by participants.[52] work.[45] The Association acknowledges that the code is limited in scope; ethnographic work can sometimes be multidisciplinary, and anthropologists need to be fa- Technical skills miliar with ethics and perspectives of other disciplines • “The Precise Ethnographer” – Ethnographers often as well.[46] The eight-page code of ethics outlines ethical considerations for those conducting Research, Teachcreate the illusion that field notes are data and reflect ing, Application and Dissemination of Results, which are what “really” happened. They engage in the oppobriefly outlined below.[47] site of plagiarism, giving undeserved credit through

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CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES loose interpretations and paraphrasing. Researchers take near-fictions and turn them into claims of fact. The closest ethnographers can ever really get to reality is an approximate truth.

• “The Observant Ethnographer” – Readers of ethnography are often led to assume the report of a scene is complete – that little of importance was missed. In reality, an ethnographer will always miss some aspect because of lacking omniscience. Everything is open to multiple interpretations and misunderstandings. As ethnographers’ skills in observation and collection of data vary by individual, what is depicted in ethnography can never be the whole picture.

2. Observe the world from the point of view of the subject, while maintaining the distinction between everyday and scientific perceptions of reality. 3. Link the group’s symbols and their meanings with the social relationships. 4. Record all behaviour. 5. Methodology should highlight phases of process, change, and stability. 6. The act should be a type of symbolic interactionism. 7. Use concepts that would avoid casual explanations.

• “The Unobtrusive Ethnographer” – As a “partici- 2.8.12 Examples of studies that can use an ethnographic approach pant” in the scene, the researcher will always have an effect on the communication that occurs within • To study the behaviour of workers at a store in a mall the research site. The degree to which one is an - when the manager is present, and when he is not. “active member” affects the extent to which sym[53] pathetic understanding is possible. • To observe the kind of punishments children are given for not completing their homework at a particular school. Ethnographic self The following are commonly misconceived conceptions of ethnographers: • “The Candid Ethnographer” – Where the researcher personally situates within the ethnography is ethically problematic. There is an illusion that everything reported was observed by the researcher.

• To follow hygiene patterns of adolescents in a particular dormitory. • To study altruistic behaviour of a particular church display for each other. • To examine health habits of sex workers from a particular locality.

• “The Chaste Ethnographer” – When ethnographers Notable ethnographers participate within the field, they invariably develop relationships with research subjects/participants. • Gerhard Friedrich Müller (1705-1783) These relationships are sometimes not ed for within the reporting of the ethnography, although • Adriaen Cornelissen van der Donck (c. 1618 – they may influence the research findings. 1655) • “The Fair Ethnographer” – Fine claims that objectivity is an illusion and that everything in ethnography is known from a perspective. Therefore, it is unethical for a researcher to report fairness in findings. • “The Literary Ethnographer” – Representation is a balancing act of determining what to “show” through poetic/prosaic language and style, versus what to “tell” via straightforward, 'factual' reporting. The individual skills of an ethnographer influence what appears to be the value of the research.[54] According to Norman K. Denzin, ethnographers should consider the following eight principles when observing, recording, and sampling data: 1. The groups should combine symbolic meanings with patterns of interaction.

• Manuel Ancízar Basterra (1812-1882) • Franz Boas (1858–1942) • Sergey Oldenburg (1863-1934) • Edward Sapir (1884–1939) • Raymond Firth (1901–2002) • Margaret Mead (1901–1978) • Gregory Bateson (1904–1980) • Mary Douglas (1921–2007) • Napoleon Chagnon (born 1938) • Marilyn Strathern (born 1941) • Elijah Anderson (born 1943) • Veena Das (born 1945)

2.8. ETHNOGRAPHY • Kristen R. Ghodsee (born 1970) • Zuzana Beňušková (born 1960) • Zalpa Bersanova • Jaber F. Gubrium • Katrina Karkazis • Diamond Jenness • Ruth Landes • Edmund Leach • José Leite de Vasconcelos • Claude Lévi-Strauss • Bronisław Malinowski • David Maybury-Lewis • Nicholas Miklouho-Maclay • Nikolai Nadezhdin • Lubor Niederle • Dositej Obradović • Alexey Okladnikov • Richard Price • August Ludwig von Schlözer

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2.8.14 References [1] “Technical definition of ethnography”, American Ethnography [2] Geertz, C. (1973). Thick description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture. [3] In The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (pp. 330). New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers [4] Philipsen, G. (1992). Speaking Culturally: Explorations in Social Communication. Albany, New York: State University of New York Press [5] “Ethnology” at dictionary.com. [6] Токарев, Сергей Александрович (1978). История зарубежной этнографии (in Russian). Наука. [7] Ember, Carol and Melvin Ember, Cultural Anthropology (Prentice Hall, 2006), chapter one. [8] Heider, Karl. Seeing Anthropology. 2001. Prentice Hall, Chapters One and Two. [9] Vermeulen, Hans (2008). Early History of Ethnograph and Ethno the German Enlightenment: Anthropological Discourse in Europe and Asia, 1710-1808. Leiden: Privately published. [10] [Brewer, John D. (2000). Ethnography. Philadelphia: Open University Press. p.10.]

• Lila Abu-Lughod

[11]

• Barrie Thorne

[12] [Nightingale, David & Cromby, John. Social Constructionist Psychology: A Critical Analysis of Theory and Practice. Philadelphia: Open University Press. p.228.]

• Sudhir Venkatesh • Susan Visvanathan • Paul Willis

2.8.13

See also

• Area studies • Critical ethnography • Ethnography of communication • Ethnology • Ethnosemiotics • Realist ethnography • Online ethnography: a form of ethnography that involves conducting ethnographic studies on the Internet • Participant observation • Ethnoarchaeology • Video ethnography • Living lab

[13] G. David Garson (2008). “Ethnographic Research: Statnotes, from North Carolina State University, Public istration Program”. Faculty.chass.ncsu.edu. Retrieved 2011-03-27. [14] Genzuk, Michael, PH.D., A Synthesis of Ethnographic, Center for Multilingual, Multicultural Research, University of Southern California [15] S. Ybema, D. Yanow, H. Wels, & F. Kamsteeg (2010). “Ethnography.” In A. Mills, G. Durepos, & E. Wiebe (Eds.), Encyclopedia of Case Study Research. (pp. 348352). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc. [16] Barry, Lynda. “Lynda Barry: The answer is in the picture”. YouTube. INKtalks. Retrieved 5 May 2015. [17] Schatz, Edward, ed. Political Ethnography: What Immersion Contributes to the Study of Power. University Of Chicago Press. 2009. [18] Balsiger, P., Lambelet, A., Participant Observation. In D. Della Porta (Ed.), Methodological Practices in Social Movement Research (pp. 144-172). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014 [19] Naroll, Raoul. Handbook of Methods in Cultural Anthropology.

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[20] Chavez, Leo. Shadowed Lives: Undocumented Workers in American Society (Case Studies in Cultural Anthropology). 1997, Prentice Hall. [21] Stack, Carol B. (1974). All Our Kin:Strategies for Survival in a black community. New York, New York: Harper and Row. ISBN 0-06-013974-9. [22] “University Press of Florida: Urarina Society, Cosmology, and History in Peruvian Amazonia”. Upf.com. 2009-1115. Retrieved 2011-03-27. [23] cf. Ember and Ember 2006, Heider 2001 op cit. [24] Ember and Ember 2006, op cit., Chapters 7 and 8 [25] Truner, Victor. The Forest of Symbols. remainder of citation forthcoming [26] Geertz, Clifford. The Interpretation of Culture, Chapter one. [27] Olaf Zenker & Karsten Kumoll. Beyond Writing Culture: Current Intersections of Epistemologies and Representational Practices. (2010). New York: Berghahn Books. ISBN 978-1-84545-675-7. Pgs. 1-4 [28] Paul A. Erickson & Liam D. Murphy. A History of Anthropological Theory, Third Edition. (2008). Toronto: Broadview Press. ISBN 978-1-55111-871-0. Pg. 190 [29] Erickson & Murphy (2008). A History of Anthropological Theory, Pgs. 190-191 [30] Kristen Ghodsee, “Writing Ethnographies that Ordinary People Can Read.” http://www. anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/05/24/ writing-ethnographies-that-ordinary-people-can-read/ [31] Literary Ethnography http://literary-ethnography.tumblr. com/ [32] Olaf Zenker & Karsten Kumoll. Beyond Writing Culture: Current Intersections of Epistemologies and Representational Practices. (2010). New York: Berghahn Books. ISBN 978-1-84545-675-7. Pg. 12 [33] Luke E. Lassiter (2001). “From 'Reading over the Shoulders of Natives’ to 'Reading alongside Natives’, Literally: Toward a Collaborative and Reciprocal Ethnography”, in Journal of Anthropologcal Research, 57(2):137-149 [34] Luke E. Lassiter. “Collaborative Ethnography and Public Anthropology”. (2005). Current Anthropology, 46(1):83106

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[39] Richardson,L. (2000). “Evaluating ethnography,” in Qualitative Inquiry, 6(2), 253-255 [40] For post-colonial critiques of ethnography from various locations, see essays in Prem Poddar et al, Historical Companion to Postcolonial Literatures--Continental Europe and its Empires, Edinburgh University Press, 2008. [41] Monahan, Torin, Fisher, Jill A. (2014). “Strategies for Obtaining Access to Secretive or Guarded Organizations”. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography. doi:10.1177/0891241614549834. [42] Fine, p. 267 [43] Fine, p. 291 [44] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics http://www.aaanet.org/issues/policy-advocacy// AAA-Ethics-Code-2009.pdf, p.1 [45] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.1 [46] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.2 [47] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.18 [48] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.23 [49] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.4 [50] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.5 [51] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.56 [52] Fine, p. 270-77 [53] Fine, p. 277-81 [54] Fine, p. 282-89

2.8.15 Further reading • Agar, Michael (1996) The Professional Stranger: An Informal Introduction to Ethnography. Academic Press. • Clifford, James & George E. Marcus (Eds.). Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography. (1986). Berkeley: University of California Press.

[35] Rubin, R. B., Rubin, A. M., and Piele, L. J. (2005). Communication Research: Strategies and Sources. Belmont, California: Thomson Wadworth. pp. 229.

• Douglas, Mary and Baron Isherwood (1996) The World of Goods: Toward and Anthropology of Consumption. Routledge, London.

[36] Bentz, V. M., and Shapiro, J. J. (1998). Mindful Inquiry in Social Research. Thousand Oaks, California: Sage. pp. 117.

• Erickson, Ken C. and Donald D. Stull (1997) Doing Team Ethnography : Warnings and Advice. Sage, Beverly Hills.

[37] Salvador, Tony; Genevieve Bell; and Ken Anderson (1999) “Design Ethnography,” Design Management Journal (pp. 35-41). p.37

• Fine, G. A. (1993). Ten lies of ethnography. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 22(3), p. 267-294.

[38] Practical Ethnography

• Geertz, Clifford. The Interpretation of Cultures.

2.9. ETHNOLOGY

89

• Ghodsee, Kristen (2013) “Writing Ethnographies That Ordinary People Can Read.” Anthropology News.

• Ethnographic Praxis in Industry Conference

• Gubrium, Jaber F. (1988). “Analyzing Field Reality.” Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

• Division of Anthropology, American Museum of Natural History - Over 160,000 objects from Pacific, North American, African, Asian ethnographic collections with images and detailed description, linked to the original catalogue pages, field notebooks, and photographs are available online.

• Gubrium, Jaber F. and James A. Holstein. (1997) “The New Language of Qualitative Method.” New York: Oxford University Press. • Gubrium, Jaber F. and James A. Holstein. (2009). “Analyzing Narrative Reality.” Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. • Heath, Shirley Brice & Brian Street, with Molly Mills. On Ethnography. • Hymes, Dell. (1974). Foundations in sociolinguistics: An ethnographic approach. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. • Kottak, Conrad Phillip (2005) Window on Humanity : A Concise Introduction to General Anthropology, (pages 2–3, 16-17, 34-44). McGraw Hill, New York. • Marcus, George E. & Michael Fischer. Anthropology as Cultural Critique: An Experimental Moment in the Human Sciences. (1986). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. • Moelker, Rene (2014) “Being one of the Guys or the Fly on the Wall? Participant Observation of Veteran Bikers.” in (eds.) J. Soeters, P. Shields, S Rietjens. Routledge Handbook of Research Methods in Military Studies New York: Routledge. pp. 104–114. • Miller, Daniel (1987) Material Culture and Mass Consumption. Blackwell, London. • Spradley, James P. (1979) The Ethnographic Interview. Wadsworth Group/Thomson Learning. • Salvador, Tony; Genevieve Bell; and Ken Anderson (1999) Design Ethnography. Design Management Journal. • Van Maanen, John. 1988. Tales of the Field: On Writing Ethnography Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

• Genzuk, Michael (2003) A Synthesis of Ethnographic Research

• Ross Archive of African Images • Ethnographic material collection from Northern Anatolia and Caucasus -Photo Gallery • Ethnography.com A community based Ethnography website for academic and professional ethnographers and interested parties • New Zealand Museum Images of objects from Pacific cultures. • University of Pennsylvania’s “What is Ethnography?" Penn’s Public Interest Anthropology Web Site • American Ethnography -- Definitions: What is Ethnography? A collection of quotes about ethnography (Malinowski, Lévi-Strauss, Geertz, ...) • Doing ethnographies (Concepts and Techniques in Modern Geography) • Cornell University Library Southeast Asia Visions • Ethnography for the masses 2CV’s Practical Application of Ethnography in Market Research • Scott Polar Research Institute Arctic Material Culture Collection • Texts on Wikisource: • Otis Tufton Mason (1905). "Ethnography". New International Encyclopedia. • "Ethnology and ethnography". Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). 1911. • "Ethnography". Encyclopedia Americana. 1920. • "Ethnography". Collier’s New Encyclopedia. 1921.

• Westbrook, David A. Navigators of the Contempo- 2.9 Ethnology rary: Why Ethnography Matters. (2008). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Not to be confused with Ethology. For the journal, see Ethnology (journal).

2.8.16

External links

• Human Relations Area Files • 100 of the Most Influential Ethnographies and Anthropology Texts

Ethnology (from the Greek ἔθνος, ethnos meaning “nation”[1] ) is the branch of anthropology that compares and analyzes the characteristics of different peoples and the relationship between them (cf. cultural, social, or sociocultural anthropology).[2]

90

2.9.1

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Scientific discipline

A picture of the Izmir Ethnography Museum (İzmir Etnografya Müzesi) from the courtyard.

Balkans.[5]

Adam František Kollár, 1779

Claude Lévi-Strauss

Compared to ethnography, the study of single groups through direct with the culture, ethnology takes the research that ethnographers have compiled and then compares and contrasts different cultures.

Among the goals of ethnology have been the reconstruction of human history, and the formulation of cultural invariants, such as the incest taboo and culture change, and the formulation of generalizations about "human nature", a concept which has been criticized since the 19th century by various philosophers (Hegel, Marx, structuralism, etc.). In some parts of the world ethnology has developed along independent paths of investigation and pedagogical doctrine, with cultural anthropology becoming dominant especially in the United States, and social anthropology in Great Britain. The distinction between the three is increasingly blurry. Ethnology has been considered an academic field since the late 18th century especially in Europe and is sometimes conceived of as any comparative study of human groups. The 15th-century exploration of America by European explorers had an important role in formulating new notions of the Occidental, such as, the notion of the "Other". This term was used in conjunction with “savages”, which was either seen as a brutal barbarian, or alternatively, as "noble savage". Thus, civilization was opposed in a dualist manner to barbary, a classic opposition constitutive of the even more commonly shared ethnocentrism. The progress of ethnology, for example with Claude Lévi-Strauss's structural anthropology, led to the criticism of conceptions of a linear progress, or the pseudoopposition between “societies with histories” and “societies without histories”, judged too dependent on a limited view of history as constituted by accumulative growth.

The term ethnologia (ethnology) is credited to Adam Franz Kollár (1718-1783) who used and defined it in his Historiae ivrisqve pvblici Regni Vngariae amoenitates published in Vienna in 1783.[3] as: “the science of nations and peoples, or, that study of learned men in which they inquire into the origins, languages, customs, and institutions of various nations, and finally into the fatherland and an- Lévi-Strauss often referred to Montaigne's essay on cient seats, in order to be able better to judge the nations cannibalism as an early example of ethnology. Léviand peoples in their own times.” [4] Strauss aimed, through a structural method, at discoverKollár’s interest in linguistic and cultural diversity was ing universal invariants in human society, chief among aroused by the situation in his native multi-lingual which he believed to be the incest taboo. However, the Kingdom of Hungary and his roots among its Slovaks, claims of such cultural universalism have been criticized and by the shifts that began to emerge after the grad- by various 19th and 20th century social thinkers, includual retreat of the Ottoman Empire in the more distant ing Marx, Nietzsche, Foucault, Derrida, Althusser and

2.10. HUMAN

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2.9.6 External links

Deleuze. The French school of ethnology was particularly significant for the development of the discipline since the early 1950s with Paul Rivet, Marcel Griaule, Germaine Dieterlen, Claude Lévi-Strauss and Jean Rouch.

2.9.2

• List of scholars of ethnology

See also

2.9.4

References

Oxford University

[3] Zmago Šmitek and Božidar Jezernik, “The anthropological tradition in Slovenia.” In: Han F. Vermeulen and Arturo Alvarez Roldán, eds. Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of European Anthropology. 1995. [4] Kollár, Adam František − Historiae jurisque publici regni Ungariae amoenitates, I-II. Vienna., 1783 [5] Gheorghiţă Geană, “Discovering the whole of humankind: the genesis of anthropology through the Hegelian lookingglass.” In: Han F. Vermeulen and Arturo Alvarez Roldán, eds. Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of European Anthropology. 1995.

2.9.5

Anthropol-

• Division of Anthropology, American Museum of Natural History - Over 160,000 objects from Pacific, North American, African, Asian ethnographic collections with images and detailed description, linked to the original catalogue pages, field notebooks, and photographs are available online.

[1] “ethno-". Oxford Dictionaries. Oxford University Press. Retrieved 21 March 2013. [2] “ethnology”. Oxford Dictionaries. Press. Retrieved 21 March 2013.

• Webpage “History of German ogy/Ethnology 1945/49-1990

• Languages describes the languages and ethnic groups found worldwide, grouped by host nationstate.

Scholars

2.9.3

• What is European Ethnology?

Bibliography

• Forster, Johann Georg Adam. Voyage round the World in His Britannic Majesty’s Sloop, Resolution, Commanded by Capt. James Cook, during the Years 1772, 3, 4, and 5 (2 vols), London (1777).

• National Museum of Ethnology - Osaka, Japan • Texts on Wikisource: • G. A. F. Van Rhyn (1879). "Ethnology". The American Cyclopædia. • W. J. McGee (1905). "Ethnology". New International Encyclopedia. • "Ethnology". 1907.

The Nuttall Encyclopædia.

• "Ethnology and ethnography". Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). 1911. • "Ethnology". Work. 1914.

The New Student’s Reference

• Amos W. Butler (1920). Encyclopedia Americana. • "Ethnology". 1921.

"Ethnology".

Collier’s New Encyclopedia.

2.10 Human

• Lévi-Strauss, Claude. The Elementary Structures of This article is about humans as a species. For other uses, see Human (disambiguation), Humanity (virtue), Kinship, (1949), Structural Anthropology (1958) Human nature, or Human condition. • Mauss, Marcel. originally published as Essai sur le don. Forme et raison de l'échange dans les sociétés archaïques in 1925, this classic text on gift economy Modern humans (Homo sapiens, primarily ssp. Homo appears in the English edition as The Gift: The Form sapiens sapiens) are the only extant of the hominin clade (or human clade), a branch of the great and Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies. apes; they are characterized by erect posture and bipedal • Maybury-Lewis, David. Akwe-Shavante society locomotion, manual dexterity and increased tool use, and (1967), The Politics of Ethnicity: Indigenous Peoples a general trend toward larger, more complex brains and societies.[3][4] in Latin American States (2003). Early hominins—particularly the australopithecines, whose brains and anatomy are in many ways more simi• Pop, Mihai and Glauco Sanga. “Problemi generali lar to ancestral non-human apes—are less often referred dell'etnologia europea”, La Ricerca Folklorica, No. to as “human” than hominins of the genus Homo.[5] 1, La cultura popolare. Questioni teoriche (April Some of the latter used fire, occupied much of Eurasia, and gave rise to [6][7] anatomically modern Homo sapiens 1980), pp. 89–96. • Clastres, Pierre. Society Against the State (1974).

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in Africa about 200,000 years ago. They began to exhibit evidence of behavioral modernity around 50,000 years ago, and migrated in successive waves to occupy[8] all but the smallest, driest, and coldest lands. In the last 100 years, this has extended to permanently manned bases in Antarctica, offshore platforms, and to orbiting the Earth. The spread of humans and their large and increasing population has had a profound impact on large areas of the environment and millions of native species worldwide. Advantages that explain this evolutionary success include a relatively larger brain with a particularly well-developed neocortex, prefrontal cortex and temporal lobes, which enable high levels of abstract reasoning, language, problem solving, sociality, and culture through social learning. Humans use tools to a much higher degree than any other animal, are the only extant species known to build fires and cook their food, as well as the only extant species to clothe themselves and create and use numerous other technologies and arts. Humans are uniquely adept at utilizing systems of symbolic communication (such as language and art) for selfexpression and the exchange of ideas, and for organizing themselves into purposeful groups. Humans create complex social structures composed of many cooperating and competing groups, from families and kinship networks to political states. Social interactions between humans have established an extremely wide variety of values,[9] social norms, and rituals, which together form the basis of human society. Curiosity and the human desire to understand and influence the environment and to explain and manipulate phenomena (or events) has provided the foundation for developing science, philosophy, mythology, religion, anthropology, and numerous other fields of knowledge. Humans began to practice sedentary agriculture about 12,000 years ago, domesticating plants and animals, thus allowing for the growth of civilization. Humans subsequently established various forms of government, religion, and culture around the world, unifying people within a region and leading to the development of states and empires. The rapid advancement of scientific and medical understanding in the 19th and 20th centuries led to the development of fuel-driven technologies and improved health, causing the human population to rise exponentially. By 2014 the global human population was estimated to be around 7.2 billion.[10][11]

2.10.1

Etymology and definition

Further information: Man (word) and Names for the human species In common usage, the word “human” generally refers to the only extant species of the genus Homo — anatomically and behaviorally modern Homo sapiens. Its usage often designates differences between that species as

a whole and any other group or entity. In scientific , the meanings of "hominid" and "hominin" have changed during the recent decades with advances in the discovery and study of the fossil ancestors of modern humans. The previously clear boundary between humans and apes has blurred, resulting in now acknowledging the hominids as encoming multiple species, and Homo and close relatives since the split from chimpanzees as the only hominins. There is also a distinction between anatomically modern humans and Archaic Homo sapiens, the earliest fossil of the species. The English adjective human is a Middle English loanword from Old French humain, ultimately from Latin hūmānus, the adjective form of homō “man”. The word’s use as a noun (with a plural: humans) dates to the 16th century.[12] The native English term man can refer to the species generally (a synonym for humanity), and could formerly refer to specific individuals of either sex, though this latter use is now obsolete.[13] Generic uses of the term “man” are declining, in favor of reserving it for referring specifically to adult males. The word is from ProtoGermanic mannaz, from a Proto-Indo-European (PIE) root man-. The species binomial Homo sapiens was coined by Carl Linnaeus in his 18th century work Systema Naturae, and he himself is the lectotype specimen.[14] The generic name Homo is a learned 18th century derivation from Latin homō “man”, ultimately “earthly being” (Old Latin hemō, a cognate to Old English guma “man”, from PIE dʰǵʰemon-, meaning “earth” or “ground”).[15] The species-name sapiens means “wise” or “sapient”. Note that the Latin word homo refers to humans of either gender, and that sapiens is the singular form (while there is no such word as sapien).[16]

2.10.2 History Evolution and range Main article: Human evolution Further information: Anthropology, Homo (genus) and Timeline of human evolution The genus Homo evolved and diverged from other hominins in Africa, after the human clade split from the chimpanzee lineage of the hominids (great apes) branch of the primates. Modern humans, defined as the species Homo sapiens or specifically to the single extant subspecies Homo sapiens sapiens, proceeded to colonize all the continents and larger islands, arriving in Eurasia 125,000–60,000 years ago,[17][18] Australia around 40,000 years ago, the Americas around 15,000 years ago, and remote islands such as Hawaii, Easter Island, Madagascar, and New Zealand between the years 300 and 1280.[19][20]

2.10. HUMAN Evidence

93 from

molecular

biology through Africa, Asia, and Europe between 1.3 to 1.8 million years ago. One population of H. erectus, also Hominoidea Superfamily sometimes classified as a separate species Homo ergaster, Hominidae in Africa and evolved into Homo sapiens. It is beHylobatidaestayed Family lieved that these species were the first to use fire and comHomininae Ponginae plexSubfamily tools. The earliest transitional fossils between H. ergaster/erectus and archaic humans are from Africa such Hominini Gorillini Tribe rhodesiensis, but seemingly transitional forms as Homo are also found at Dmanisi, Georgia. These descendants Homo Pan Gorilla Pongo Hylobates Genus of African H. erectus spread through Eurasia from ca. The closest living relatives of humans are chimpanzees 500,000 years ago evolving into H. antecessor, H. heidel(genus Pan) and gorillas (genus Gorilla).[21] With the bergensis and H. neanderthalensis. The earliest fossils of sequencing of both the human and chimpanzee genome, anatomically modern humans are from the Middle Palecurrent estimates of similarity between human and olithic, about 200,000 years ago such as the Omo remains chimpanzee DNA sequences range between 95% and of Ethiopia and the fossils of Herto sometimes classified [30] 99%.[21][22][23] By using the technique called a molecular as Homo sapiens idaltu. Later fossils of archaic Homo clock which estimates the time required for the num- sapiens from Skhul in Israel and Southern Europe begin [31] ber of divergent mutations to accumulate between two around 90,000 years ago. lineages, the approximate date for the split between lineages can be calculated. The gibbons (Hylobatidae) and orangutans (genus Pongo) were the first groups to split from the line leading to the humans, then gorillas (genus Gorilla) followed by the chimpanzees (genus Pan). The splitting date between human and chimpanzee lineages is placed around 4–8 million years ago during the late Miocene epoch.[24][25][26]

Evidence from the fossil record There is little fossil evidence for the divergence of the gorilla, chimpanzee and hominin lineages.[27][28] The earliest fossils that have been proposed as of the hominin lineage are Sahelanthropus tchadensis dating from 7 million years ago, Orrorin tugenensis dating from 5.7 million years ago, and Ardipithecus kadabba dating to 5.6 million years ago. Each of these species has been argued to be a bipedal ancestor of later hominins, but all such claims are contested. It is also possible that any one of the three is an ancestor of another branch of African apes, or is an ancestor shared between hominins and other African Hominoidea (apes). The question of the relation between these early fossil species and the hominin lineage is still to be resolved. From these early species the australopithecines arose around 4 million years ago diverged into robust Reconstruction of Homo habilis, the earliest known species of the (also called Paranthropus) and gracile branches, possibly genus Homo and the first human ancestor to use stone tools one of which (such as A. garhi, dating to 2.5 million years ago) is a direct ancestor of the genus Homo. Anatomical adaptations Human evolution is characThe earliest of the genus Homo are Homo terized by a number of morphological, developmental, habilis which evolved around 2.8 million years ago.[29] physiological, and behavioral changes that have taken Homo habilis is the first species for which there is clear place since the split between the last common ancestor of evidence of the use of stone tools. The brains of these humans and chimpanzees. The most significant of these early hominins were about the same size as that of a adaptations are 1. bipedalism, 2. increased brain size, chimpanzee, and their main adaptation was bipedalism 3. lengthened ontogeny (gestation and infancy), 4. deas an adaptation to terrestrial living. During the next mil- creased sexual dimorphism. The relationship between all lion years a process of encephalization began, and with these changes is the subject of ongoing debate.[32] Other the arrival of Homo erectus in the fossil record, cranial significant morphological changes included the evolution capacity had doubled. Homo erectus were the first of of a power and precision grip, a change first occurring in the hominina to leave Africa, and these species spread H. erectus.[33]

94 Bipedalism is the basic adaption of the hominin line, and it is considered the main cause behind a suite of skeletal changes shared by all bipedal hominins. The earliest bipedal hominin is considered to be either Sahelanthropus[34] or Orrorin, with Ardipithecus, a full bipedal, coming somewhat later. The knuckle walkers, the gorilla and chimpanzee, diverged around the same time, and either Sahelanthropus or Orrorin may be humans’ last shared ancestor with those animals. The early bipedals eventually evolved into the australopithecines and later the genus Homo. There are several theories of the adaptational value of bipedalism. It is possible that bipedalism was favored because it freed up the hands for reaching and carrying food, because it saved energy during locomotion, because it enabled long distance running and hunting, or as a strategy for avoiding hyperthermia by reducing the surface exposed to direct sun. The human species developed a much larger brain than that of other primates – typically 1,330 cc in modern humans, over twice the size of that of a chimpanzee or gorilla.[35] The pattern of encephalization started with Homo habilis which at approximately 600 cc had a brain slightly larger than chimpanzees, and continued with Homo erectus (800–1100 cc), and reached a maximum in Neanderthals with an average size of 1200-1900cc, larger even than Homo sapiens (but less encephalized).[36] The pattern of human postnatal brain growth differs from that of other apes (heterochrony), and allows for extended periods of social learning and language acquisition in juvenile humans. However, the differences between the structure of human brains and those of other apes may be even more significant than differences in size.[37][38][39][40] The increase in volume over time has affected different areas within the brain unequally – the temporal lobes, which contain centers for language processing have increased disproportionately, as has the prefrontal cortex which has been related to complex decision making and moderating social behavior.[35] Encephalization has been tied to an increasing emphasis on meat in the diet,[41][42] or with the development of cooking,[43] and it has been proposed that intelligence increased as a response to an increased necessity for solving social problems as human society became more complex. The reduced degree of sexual dimorphism is primarily visible in the reduction of the male canine tooth relative to other ape species (except gibbons). Another important physiological change related to sexuality in humans was the evolution of hidden estrus. Humans are the only ape in which the female is fertile year round, and in which no special signals of fertility are produced by the body (such as genital swelling during estrus). Nonetheless humans retain a degree of sexual dimorphism in the distribution of body hair and subcutaneous fat, and in the overall size, males being around 25% larger than females. These changes taken together have been interpreted as a result of an increased emphasis on pair bonding as a possible solution to the requirement for increased parental

CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES investment due to the prolonged infancy of offspring. Rise of Homo sapiens Further information: Recent African origin of modern humans, Multiregional origin of modern humans, Anatomically modern humans, Archaic human ixture with modern humans and Early human migrations By the beginning of the Upper Paleolithic period (50,000

World map of early human migrations according to mitochondrial population genetics (numbers are millennia before present, the North Pole is at the center).

BP), full behavioral modernity, including language, music and other cultural universals had developed.[44][45] As modern humans spread out from Africa they encountered other hominids such as Homo neanderthalensis and the so-called Denisovans. The nature of interaction between early humans and these sister species has been a long-standing source of controversy, the question being whether humans replaced these earlier species or whether they were in fact similar enough to interbreed, in which case these earlier populations may have contributed genetic material to modern humans.[46] Recent studies of the human and Neanderthal genomes suggest gene flow between archaic Homo sapiens and Neanderthals and Denisovans.[47][48][49] This dispersal out of Africa is estimated to have begun about 70,000 years BP from Northeast Africa. Current evidence suggests that there was only one such dispersal and that it only involved a few hundred individuals. The vast majority of humans stayed in Africa and adapted to a diverse array of environments.[50] Modern humans subsequently spread globally, replacing earlier hominins (either through competition or hybridization). They inhabited Eurasia and Oceania by 40,000 years BP, and the Americas at least 14,500 years BP.[51][52] Transition to civilization Main articles: Neolithic Revolution and Cradle of civilization

2.10. HUMAN

95

Further information: History of the world ments in mathematics and astronomy in Muslim emUntil c. 10,000 years ago, humans lived as hunter- pires.[56] In Europe, the rediscovery of classical learning and inventions such as the printing press led to the Renaissance in the 14th and 15th centuries. Over the next 500 years, exploration and European colonialism brought great parts of the world under European control, leading to later struggles for independence. The Scientific Revolution in the 17th century and the Industrial Revolution in the 18th–19th centuries promoted major innovations in transport, such as the railway and automobile; energy development, such as coal and electricity; and government, such as representative democracy and Communism.

The rise of agriculture, and domestication of animals, led to stable human settlements.

gatherers. They generally lived in small nomadic groups known as band societies. The advent of agriculture prompted the Neolithic Revolution, when access to food surplus led to the formation of permanent human settlements, the domestication of animals and the use of metal tools for the first time in history. Agriculture encouraged trade and cooperation, and led to complex society. Because of the significance of this date for human society, it is the epoch of the Holocene calendar or Human Era. The more complex human societies, called the first civilisations emerged around around 3000 BC in the river valleys of Mesopotamia, India and China, Egypt, from the latter of which the Western civilisation borrowed much, especially in technology.[53] An increase in food production led to the significant growth in human population and the rise of cities. Efforts to control the flow of water for farming also led to organised governments in the new urban civilisations. The peoples of Southwest Asia and Egypt laid the foundations of Western civilization, they developed cities and struggled with the problems of organised states as they moved from individual communities to larger territorial units and eventually to empires. These first civilisations invented writing to keep records and created literature, while developing military, social and religious structures to deal with the basic problems of human existence and organization.[54] Ancient Greece is the origin of many ideas and concepts that are central to Western culture, such as Western philosophy, democracy, as well as major scientific, mathematical, and literary advances.[55] Influential religions, such as Judaism, originating in West Asia, and Hinduism, originating in South Asia, also rose to prominence at this time. The Late Middle Ages saw the rise of revolutionary ideas and technologies. In China, an advanced and urbanized society promoted innovations and sciences, such as printing and seed drilling. In India, major advancements were made in mathematics, philosophy, religion and metallurgy. The Islamic Golden Age saw advance-

With the advent of the Information Age at the end of the 20th century, modern humans live in a world that has become increasingly globalized and interconnected. As of 2010, almost 2 billion humans are able to communicate with each other via the Internet,[57] and 3.3 billion by mobile phone subscriptions.[58] Although interconnection between humans has encouraged the growth of science, art, discussion, and technology, it has also led to culture clashes and the development and use of weapons of mass destruction. Human civilization has led to environmental destruction and pollution significantly contributing to the ongoing mass extinction of other forms of life called the Holocene extinction event,[59] which may be further accelerated by global warming in the future.[60]

2.10.3 Habitat and population Further information: Human migration, Demography and World population Early human settlements were dependent on prox-

The Earth, as seen from space in October 2000, showing the extent of human occupation of the planet. The bright lights signify both the most densely inhabited areas and ones financially capable of illuminating those areas.

imity to water and, depending on the lifestyle, other natural resources used for subsistence, such as populations of animal prey for hunting and arable land for growing crops and grazing livestock. But humans have a great capacity for altering their habitats by means of technology, through irrigation, urban planning, construction, transport, manufacturing goods, deforestation and desertification. Deliberate habitat alteration is often done with the goals of increasing ma-

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terial wealth, increasing thermal comfort, improving the 2.10.4 amount of food available, improving aesthetics, or improving ease of access to resources or other human settlements. With the advent of large-scale trade and transport infrastructure, proximity to these resources has become unnecessary, and in many places, these factors are no longer a driving force behind the growth and decline of a population. Nonetheless, the manner in which a habitat is altered is often a major determinant in population change.

Biology

Technology has allowed humans to colonize all of the continents and adapt to virtually all climates. Within the last century, humans have explored Antarctica, the ocean depths, and outer space, although large-scale colonization of these environments is not yet feasible. With a population of over seven billion, humans are among the most numerous of the large mammals. Most humans (61%) live in Asia. The remainder live in the Americas (14%), Africa (14%), Europe (11%), and Oceania (0.5%). Human habitation within closed ecological systems in hostile environments, such as Antarctica and outer space, is expensive, typically limited in duration, and restricted to scientific, military, or industrial expeditions. Life in space has been very sporadic, with no more than thirteen humans in space at any given time.[61] Between 1969 and 1972, two humans at a time spent brief intervals on the Moon. As of August 2015, no other celestial body has been visited by humans, although there has been a continuous human presence in space since the launch of the initial crew to inhabit the International Space Station on October 31, 2000.[62] However, other celestial bodies have been visited by human-made objects.

Basic anatomical features of female and male humans. These models have had body hair and male facial hair removed and head hair trimmed. The female model is wearing red nail polish on her toenails and a ring.

Since 1800, the human population has increased from one billion[63] to over seven billion,[64] In 2004, some 2.5 billion out of 6.3 billion people (39.7%) lived in urban areas. In February 2008, the U.N. estimated that half the world’s population would live in urban areas by the end of the year.[65] Problems for humans living in cities include various forms of pollution and crime,[66] especially in inner city and suburban slums. Both overall population numbers and the proportion residing in cities are expected to increase significantly in the coming decades.[67] Humans have had a dramatic effect on the environment. Humans are apex predators, being rarely preyed upon by other species.[68] Currently, through land development, combustion of fossil fuels, and pollution, humans are thought to be the main contributor to global climate change.[69] If this continues at its current rate it is predicted that climate change will wipe out half of all plant and animal species over the next century.[70][71] See also: City, Town, Nomad, Camping, Farm, House, Watercraft, Infrastructure, Architecture, Building and Engineering Vitruvian Man, Leonardo da Vinci's image is often used as an implied symbol of the essential symmetry of the human body, and by extension, of the universe as a whole.

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Anatomy and physiology

more developed cerebral cortex, with a larger number of neurons. The mental abilities of humans are remarkable compared to other apes. Humans’ ability of speech is Main article: Human body unique among primates. Humans are able to create new Further information: Human physical appearance, and complex ideas, and to develop technology, which is Anatomically modern humans and Sex differences in unprecedented among other organisms on Earth.[75] humans It is estimated that the worldwide average height for an adult human male is about 172 cm, while the worldwide Most aspects of human physiology are closely average height for adult human females is about 158 cm. homologous to corresponding aspects of animal Shrinkage of stature may begin in middle age in some physiology. The human body consists of the legs, the individuals, but tends to be universal in the extremely torso, the arms, the neck, and the head. An adult human aged.[77] Through history human populations have unibody consists of about 100 trillion (1014 ) cells. The versally become taller, probably as a consequence of betmost commonly defined body systems in humans are ter nutrition, healthcare, and living conditions.[78] The avthe nervous, the cardiovascular, the circulatory, the erage mass of an adult human is 54–64 kg (120–140 lbs) digestive, the endocrine, the immune, the integumentary, for females and 76–83 kg (168–183 lbs) for males.[79] the lymphatic, the muscoskeletal, the reproductive, the Like many other conditions, body weight and body type is respiratory, and the urinary system.[72][73] influenced by both genetic susceptibility and environment [80][81] Humans, like most of the other apes, lack external and varies greatly among individuals. (see obesity) tails, have several blood type systems, have opposable thumbs, and are sexually dimorphic. The comparatively minor anatomical differences between humans and chimpanzees are a result of human bipedalism. As a result, humans are slower over short distances, but are among the best long-distance runners in the animal kingdom.[74][75] Humans’ thinner body hair and more productive sweat glands help avoid heat exhaustion while running for long distances.[76]

Although humans appear hairless compared to other primates, with notable hair growth occurring chiefly on the top of the head, underarms and pubic area, the average human has more hair follicles on his or her body than the average chimpanzee. The main distinction is that human hairs are shorter, finer, and less heavily pigmented than the average chimpanzee’s, thus making them harder to see.[82] Humans have about 2 million sweat glands spread over their entire bodies, many more than chimpanzees, on As a consequence of bipedalism, human females have whose sweat glands are scarce and are mainly located [83] the palm of the hand and on the soles of the feet. narrower birth canals. The construction of the human pelvis differs from other primates, as do the toes. A The dental formula of humans is: 2.1.2.32.1.2.3. Hutrade-off for these advantages of the modern human mans have proportionately shorter palates and much pelvis is that childbirth is more difficult and danger- smaller teeth than other primates. They are the only prious than in most mammals, especially given the larger mates to have short, relatively flush canine teeth. Humans head size of human babies compared to other primates. have characteristically crowded teeth, with gaps from lost This means that human babies must turn around as they teeth usually clo quickly in young individuals. Hu through the birth canal, which other primates do mans are gradually losing their wisdom teeth, with some not do, and it makes humans the only species where fe- individuals having them congenitally absent.[84] males require help from their conspecifics to reduce the risks of birthing. As a partial evolutionary solution, human fetuses are born less developed and more vulnera- Genetics ble. Chimpanzee babies are cognitively more developed than human babies until the age of six months, when Main article: Human genetics the rapid development of human brains sures chim- Further information: Human evolutionary genetics panzees. Another difference between women and chim- Like all mammals, humans are a diploid eukaryotic Each somatic cell has two sets of 23 panzee females is that women go through the menopause species. and become unfertile decades before the end of their chromosomes, each set received from one parent; lives. All species of non-human apes are capable of giv- gametes have only one set of chromosomes, which is a ing birth until death. Menopause probably developed as mixture of the two parental sets. Among the 23 pairs of it has provided an evolutionary advantage (more caring chromosomes there are 22 pairs of autosomes and one pair of sex chromosomes. Like other mammals, humans time) to young relatives.[75] Apart from bipedalism, humans differ from chimpanzees have an XY sex-determination system, so that females mostly in smelling, hearing, digesting proteins, brain size, have the sex chromosomes XX and males have XY. and the ability of language. Humans brains are about three times bigger than in chimpanzees. More importantly, the brain to body ratio is much higher in humans than in chimpanzees, and humans have a significantly

One human genome was sequenced in full in 2003, and currently efforts are being made to achieve a sample of the genetic diversity of the species (see International HapMap Project). By present estimates, humans have

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CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES lution but are strikingly different in humans. They are named according to their degree of difference between humans and their nearest animal relative (chimpanzees) (HAR1 showing the largest degree of human-chimpanzee differences). Found by scanning through genomic databases of multiple species, some of these highly mutated areas may contribute to human-specific traits. The forces of natural selection have continued to operate on human populations, with evidence that certain regions of the genome display directional selection in the past 15,000 years.[92] Life cycle See also: Childbirth and Life expectancy As with other mammals, human reproduction takes place

A graphical representation of the ideal human karyotype, including both the male and female variant of the sex chromosome (number 23).

approximately 22,000 genes.[85] The variation in human DNA is very small compared to other species, possibly suggesting a population bottleneck during the Late Pleistocene (around 100,000 years ago), in which the human population was reduced to a small number of breeding pairs.[86][87] Nucleotide diversity is based on single mutations called single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs). The nucleotide diversity between humans is about 0.1%, i.e. 1 difference per 1,000 base pairs.[88][89] A difference of 1 in 1,000 nucleotides between two humans chosen at random amounts to about 3 million nucleotide differences, since the human genome has about 3 billion nucleotides. Most of these single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) are neutral but some (about 3 to 5%) are func- A 10 mm human embryo at 5 weeks tional and influence phenotypic differences between humans through alleles. as internal fertilization by sexual intercourse. During this process, the male inserts his erect penis into the female’s By comparing the parts of the genome that are not under natural selection and which therefore accumulate muta- vagina and ejaculates semen, which contains sperm. The sperm travels through the vagina and cervix into the tions at a fairly steady rate, it is possible to reconstruct a genetic tree incorporating the entire human species since uterus or Fallopian tubes for fertilization of the ovum. the last shared ancestor. Each time a certain mutation Upon fertilization and implantation, gestation then occurs (SNP) appears in an individual and is ed on to his within the female’s uterus. or her descendants, a haplogroup is formed including all of the descendants of the individual who will also carry that mutation. By comparing mitochondrial DNA, which is inherited only from the mother, geneticists have concluded that the last female common ancestor whose genetic marker is found in all modern humans, the so-called mitochondrial Eve, must have lived around 200,000 years ago.

The zygote divides inside the female’s uterus to become an embryo, which over a period of 38 weeks (9 months) of gestation becomes a fetus. After this span of time, the fully grown fetus is birthed from the woman’s body and breathes independently as an infant for the first time. At this point, most modern cultures recognize the baby as a person entitled to the full protection of the law, though some jurisdictions extend various levels of personhood Human accelerated regions, first described in August earlier to human fetuses while they remain in the uterus. 2006,[90][91] are a set of 49 segments of the human Compared with other species, human childbirth is dangenome that are conserved throughout vertebrate evo- gerous. Painful labors lasting 24 hours or more are

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not uncommon and sometimes lead to the death of the Diet mother, the child or both.[93] This is because of both the relatively large fetal head circumference and the mother’s Main article: Human nutrition relatively narrow pelvis.[94][95] The chances of a success- Humans are omnivorous, capable of consuming a wide ful labor increased significantly during the 20th century in wealthier countries with the advent of new medical technologies. In contrast, pregnancy and natural childbirth remain hazardous ordeals in developing regions of the world, with maternal death rates approximately 100 times greater than in developed countries.[96] In developed countries, infants are typically 3–4 kg (6–9 pounds) in weight and 50–60 cm (20–24 inches) in height at birth.[97] However, low birth weight is common in developing countries, and contributes to the high levels of infant mortality in these regions.[98] Helpless at birth, humans continue to grow for some years, typically reaching sexual maturity at 12 to 15 years of age. Females continue to develop physically until around the age of 18, whereas male development continues until around age 21. The human life span can be split into a number of stages: infancy, childhood, adolescence, young adulthood, adulthood and old age. The lengths of these stages, however, have varied across cultures and time periods. Compared to other primates, humans experience an unusually rapid growth spurt during adolescence, where the body grows 25% in size. Chimpanzees, for example, grow only 14%, with no pronounced spurt.[99] The presence of the growth spurt is probably necessary to keep children physically small until they are psychologically mature. Humans are one of the few species in which females undergo menopause. It has been proposed that menopause increases a woman’s overall reproductive success by allowing her to invest more time and resources in her existing offspring and/or their children (the grandmother hypothesis), rather than by continuing to bear children into old age.[100][101]

Humans preparing a meal in Bali, Indonesia

variety of plant and animal material.[108][109] Varying with available food sources in regions of habitation, and also varying with cultural and religious norms, human groups have adopted a range of diets, from purely vegetarian to primarily carnivorous. In some cases, dietary restrictions in humans can lead to deficiency diseases; however, stable human groups have adapted to many dietary patterns through both genetic specialization and cultural conventions to use nutritionally balanced food sources.[110] The human diet is prominently reflected in human culture, and has led to the development of food science. Until the development of agriculture approximately 10,000 years ago, Homo sapiens employed a huntergatherer method as their sole means of food collection. This involved combining stationary food sources (such as fruits, grains, tubers, and mushrooms, insect larvae and aquatic mollusks) with wild game, which must be hunted and killed in order to be consumed.[111] It has been proposed that humans have used fire to prepare and cook food since the time of Homo erectus.[112] Around ten thousand years ago, humans developed agriculture,[113] which substantially altered their diet. This change in diet may also have altered human biology; with the spread of dairy farming providing a new and rich source of food, leading to the evolution of the ability to digest lactose in some adults.[114][115] Agriculture led to increased populations, the development of cities, and because of increased population density, the wider spread of infectious diseases. The types of food consumed, and the way in which they are prepared, have varied widely by time, location, and culture.

For various reasons, including biological/genetic causes,[102] women live on average about four years longer than men — as of 2013 the global average life expectancy at birth of a girl is estimated at 70.2 years compared to 66.1 for a boy.[103] There are significant geographical variations in human life expectancy, mostly correlated with economic development — for example life expectancy at birth in Hong Kong is 84.8 years for girls and 78.9 for boys, while in Swaziland, primarily because of AIDS, it is 31.3 years for both sexes.[104] The developed world is generally aging, with the median age around 40 years. In the developing world the median age is between 15 and 20 years. While one in five Europeans is 60 years of age or older, only one in twenty Africans is 60 years of age or older.[105] The number of centenarians (humans of age 100 years or older) in the world was estimated by the United Nations at 210,000 in 2002.[106] At least one person, Jeanne Calment, is known to have In general, humans can survive for two to eight weeks reached the age of 122 years;[107] higher ages have been without food, depending on stored body fat. Survival without water is usually limited to three or four days. claimed but they are not well substantiated. About 36 million humans die every year from causes directly or indirectly related to hunger.[116] Childhood mal-

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nutrition is also common and contributes to the global burden of disease.[117] However global food distribution is not even, and obesity among some human populations has increased rapidly, leading to health complications and increased mortality in some developed, and a few developing countries. Worldwide over one billion people are obese,[118] while in the United States 35% of people are obese, leading to this being described as an "obesity epidemic".[119] Obesity is caused by consuming more calories than are expended, so excessive weight gain is usually caused by a combination of an energy-dense high fat diet and insufficient exercise.[118] Biological variation Main article: Human genetic variation Young Russian peasant women in front of traditional wooden No two humans – not even monozygotic twins – are

house, in a rural area along the Sheksna River near the small town of Kirillov. Early color photograph from Russia, created by Sergei Mikhailovich Prokudin-Gorskii as part of his work to document the Russian Empire from 1909 to 1915.

physiology to disease susceptibly to mental abilities. The exact influence of genes and environment on certain traits is not well understood.[120][121]

People in warm climates are often relatively slender, tall and dark skinned, such as these Maasai men from Kenya.

Most current genetic and archaeological evidence s a recent single origin of modern humans in East Africa,[122] with first migrations placed at 60,000 years ago. Compared to the great apes, human gene sequences – even among African populations – are remarkably homogeneous.[123] On average, genetic similarity between any two humans is 99.9%.[124][125] There is about 2–3 times more genetic diversity within the wild chimpanzee population on a single hillside in Gombe, than in the entire human gene pool.[126][127][128][129] The human body’s ability to adapt to different environmental stresses is remarkable, allowing humans to acclimatize to a wide variety of temperatures, humidity, and altitudes. As a result, humans are a cosmopolitan species found in almost all regions of the world, including tropical rainforests, arid desert, extremely cold arctic regions, and heavily polluted cities. Most other species are confined to a few geographical areas by their limited adaptability.[130]

There is biological variation in the human species — with traits such as blood type, cranial features, eye color, hair color and type, height and build, and skin color varying across the globe. Human body types vary substantially. The typical height of an adult human is between 1.4 m (4 ft 7 in) and 1.9 m (6 ft 3 in), although this varies significantly depending, among other things, on sex and ethnic origin.[131][132] Body size is partly determined by People in cold climates tend to be relatively short, heavily built genes and is also significantly influenced by environmental factors such as diet, exercise, and sleep patterns, esand fair skinned such as these Inuit women from Canada. pecially as an influence in childhood. Adult height for genetically identical. Genes and environment influence each sex in a particular ethnic group approximately folhuman biological variation from visible characteristics to lows a normal distribution. Those aspects of genetic vari-

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ation that give clues to human evolutionary history, or are relevant to medical research, have received particular attention. For example, the genes that allow adult humans to digest lactose are present in high frequencies in populations that have long histories of cattle domestication, suggesting natural selection having favored that gene in populations that depend on cow milk. Some hereditary diseases such as sickle cell anemia are frequent in populations where malaria has been endemic throughout history — it is believed that the same gene gives increased resistance to malaria among those who are unaffected carriers of the gene. Similarly, populations that have for a long time inhabited specific climates, such as arctic or tropical regions or high altitudes, tend to have developed A Libyan, a Nubian, a Syrian, and an Egyptian, drawing by an specific phenotypes that are beneficial for conserving en- unknown artist after a mural of the tomb of Seti I. ergy in those environments — short stature and stocky build in cold regions, tall and lanky in hot regions, and with high lung capacities at high altitudes. Similarly, skin color varies clinally with darker skin around the equator — where the added protection from the sun’s ultraviolet radiation is thought to give an evolutionary advantage — and lighter skin tones closer to the poles.[133][134][135][136] The hue of human skin and hair is determined by the presence of pigments called melanins. Human skin color can range from darkest brown to lightest peach, or even nearly white or colorless in cases of albinism.[129] Human hair ranges in color from white to red to blond to brown to black, which is most frequent.[137] Hair color depends on the amount of melanin (an effective sun blocking pigment) in the skin and hair, with hair melanin concentrations in hair fading with increased age, leading to grey or even white hair. Most researchers believe that skin darkening is an adaptation that evolved as protection against ultraviolet solar radiation, which also helps balancing folate, which is destroyed by ultraviolet radiation. Light skin pigmentation protects against depletion of vitamin D, which requires sunlight to make.[138] Skin pigmentation of contemporary humans is clinally distributed across the planet, and in general correlates with the level of ultraviolet radiation in a particular geographic area. Human skin also has a capacity to darken (tan) in response to exposure to ultraviolet radiation.[139][140][141]

Structure of variation Within the human species, the greatest degree of genetic variation exists between males and females. While the nucleotide genetic variation of individuals of the same sex across global populations is no greater than 0.1%, the genetic difference between males and females is between 1% and 2%. Although different in nature, this approaches the genetic differentiation between men and male chimpanzees or women and female chimpanzees. The genetic difference between sexes contributes to anatomical, hormonal, neural, and physiological differences between men and women, although the exact degree and nature of social and environmental influences on sexes are not completely understood. Males on average are 15% heavier and 15 cm taller than females.

The ancestors of Native Americans, such as this Yanomami woman, crossed into the Americas from Northeast Asia, and genetic and linguistic evidence links them to North Asian populations, particularly those of East Siberia.[142]

An older adult human male European in Paris - playing chess at the Jardins du Luxembourg.

There is a difference between body types, body organs and systems, hormonal levels, sensory systems, and muscle mass between sexes. On average, there is a difference of about 40–50% in upper body strength and 20–

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30% in lower body strength between men and women. Women generally have a higher body fat percentage than men. Women have lighter skin than men of the same population; this has been explained by a higher need for vitamin D (which is synthesized by sunlight) in females during pregnancy and lactation. As there are chromosomal differences between females and males, some X and Y chromosome related conditions and disorders only affect either men or women. Other conditional differences between males and females are not related to sex chromosomes. Even after allowing for body weight and volume, the male voice is usually an octave deeper than females’. Women have a longer life span in almost every population Most of the world’s genetic diversity is represented in Africa. around the world.[143][144][145][146][147][148][149][150][151] Males typically have larger tracheae and branching bronchi, with about 30% greater lung volume per unit body mass. They have larger hearts, 10% higher red blood cell count, and higher hemoglobin, hence greater oxygen-carrying capacity. They also have higher circulating clotting factors (vitamin K, prothrombin and platelets). These differences lead to faster healing of wounds and higher peripheral pain tolerance.[152] Females typically have more white blood cells (stored and circulating), more granulocytes and B and T lymphocytes. Additionally, they produce more antibodies at a faster rate than males. Hence they develop fewer infectious diseases and these continue for shorter periods.[152] Ethologists argue that females, interacting with other females and multiple offspring in social groups, have experienced such traits as a selective advantage.[153][154][155][156][157] According to Daly and Wilson, “The sexes differ more in human beings than in monogamous mammals, but much less than in extremely polygamous mammals.”[158] But given that sexual dimorphism in the closest relatives of humans is much greater than among humans, the human clade must be considered to be characterized by decreasing sexual dimorphism, probably due to less competitive mating patterns. One proposed explanation is that human sexuality has developed more in common with its close relative the bonobo, which exhibits similar sexual dimorphism, is polygynandrous and uses recreational sex to reinforce social bonds and reduce aggression.[159] Humans of the same sex are 99.9% genetically identical. There is extremely little variation between human geographical populations, and most of the variation that does occur is at the personal level within local areas, and not between populations.[129][160][161] Of the 0.1% of human genetic differentiation, 85% exists within any randomly chosen local population, be they Italians, Koreans, or Kurds. Two randomly chosen Koreans may be genetically as different as a Korean and an Italian. Any ethnic group contains 85% of the human genetic diversity of the world. Genetic data shows that no matter how population groups are defined, two people from the same population group are about as different from each other as two people from any two different population groups.[129][162][163][164]

Current genetic research has demonstrated that humans on the African continent are the most genetically diverse.[165] There is more human genetic diversity in Africa than anywhere else on Earth. The genetic structure of Africans was traced to 14 ancestral population clusters. Human genetic diversity decreases in native populations with migratory distance from Africa and this is thought to be the result of bottlenecks during human migration.[166][167] Humans have lived in Africa for the longest time, which has allowed accumulation of a higher diversity of genetic mutations in these populations. Only part of Africa’s population migrated out of the continent, bringing just part of the original African genetic variety with them. African populations harbor genetic alleles that are not found in other places of the world. All the common alleles found in populations outside of Africa are found on the African continent.[129] Geographical distribution of human variation is complex and constantly shifts through time which reflects complicated human evolutionary history. Most human biological variation is clinally distributed and blends gradually from one area to the next. Groups of people around the world have different frequencies of polymorphic genes. Furthermore, different traits are non-concordant and each have different clinal distribution. Adaptability varies both from person to person and from population to population. The most efficient adaptive responses are found in geographical populations where the environmental stimuli are the strongest (e.g. Tibetans are highly adapted to high altitudes). The clinal geographic genetic variation is further complicated by the migration and mixing between human populations which has been occurring since prehistoric times.[129][168][169][170][171][172] Human variation is highly non-concordant: most of the genes do not cluster together and are not inherited together. Skin and hair color are not correlated to height, weight, or athletic ability. Human species do not share the same patterns of variation through geography. Skin color varies with latitude and certain people are tall or have brown hair. There is a statistical correlation between particular features in a population, but different features are not expressed or inherited together. Thus,

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genes which code for superficial physical traits – such as skin color, hair color, or height – represent a minuscule and insignificant portion of the human genome and do not correlate with genetic affinity. Dark-skinned populations that are found in Africa, Australia, and South Asia are not closely related to each other.[136][141][171][172][173][174] Even within the same region, physical phenotype is not related to genetic affinity: dark-skinned Ethiopians are more closely related to light-skinned Armenians than to dark-skinned Bantu populations.[175] Despite pygmy populations of South East Asia (Andamanese) having similar physical features with African pygmy populations such as short stature, dark skin, and curly hair, they are not genetically closely related to these populations.[176] Genetic variants affecting superficial anatomical features (such as skin color) – from a genetic perspective, are essentially meaningless – they involve a few hundred of the billions of nucleotides in a person’s DNA.[177] Individuals with the same morphology do not necessarily cluster with each other by lineage, and a given lineage does not include only individuals with the same trait complex.[129][163][178] Due to practices of group endogamy, allele frequencies cluster locally around kin groups and lineages, or by national, ethnic, cultural and linguistic boundaries, giving a detailed degree of correlation between genetic clusters and population groups when considering many alleles simultaneously. Despite this, there are no genetic boundaries around local populations that biologically mark off any discrete groups of humans. Human variation is continuous, with no clear points of demarcation. There are no large clusters of relatively homogeneous people and almost every individual has genetic alleles from several ancestral groups.[129][170][171][179][180][181][182][183][184][185][186][187]

Drawing of the human brain, showing several important structures

Sleep and dreaming Main articles: Sleep and Dream

Humans are generally diurnal. The average sleep requirement is between seven and nine hours per day for an adult and nine to ten hours per day for a child; elderly people usually sleep for six to seven hours. Having less sleep than this is common among humans, even though sleep deprivation can have negative health effects. A sustained restriction of adult sleep to four hours per day has been shown to correlate with changes in physiology and mental state, including reduced memory, fatigue, aggression, and 2.10.5 Psychology bodily discomfort.[189] During sleep humans dream. In dreaming humans experience sensory images and sounds, Main article: Psychology in a sequence which the dreamer usually perceives more Further information: Human brain and Mind The human brain, the focal point of the central ner- as an apparent participant than as an observer. Dreaming vous system in humans, controls the peripheral nervous is stimulated by the pons and mostly occurs during the system. In addition to controlling “lower”, involuntary, REM phase of sleep. or primarily autonomic activities such as respiration and digestion, it is also the locus of “higher” order functionConsciousness and thought ing such as thought, reasoning, and abstraction.[188] These cognitive processes constitute the mind, and, along with their behavioral consequences, are studied in the field of Main articles: Consciousness and Cognition psychology. Generally regarded as more capable of these higher or- Humans are one of the relatively few species to have sufself-awareness to recognize themselves in a mirder activities, the human brain is believed to be more ficient [190] Already at 18 months, most human children are ror. “intelligent” in general than that of any other known aware that the mirror image is not another person.[191] species. While some non-human species are capable of creating structures and using simple tools—mostly through instinct and mimicry—human technology is vastly more complex, and is constantly evolving and improving through time.

The human brain perceives the external world through the senses, and each individual human is influenced greatly by his or her experiences, leading to subjective views of existence and the age of time. Humans are vari-

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Lecture at the Faculty of Biomedical Engineering, CTU, in Prague.

CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES Some philosophers divide consciousness into phenomenal consciousness, which is experience itself, and access consciousness, which is the processing of the things in experience.[192] Phenomenal consciousness is the state of being conscious, such as when they say “I am conscious.” Access consciousness is being conscious of something in relation to abstract concepts, such as when one says “I am conscious of these words.” Various forms of access consciousness include awareness, self-awareness, conscience, stream of consciousness, Husserl’s phenomenology, and intentionality. The concept of phenomenal consciousness, in modern history, according to some, is closely related to the concept of qualia. Social psychology links sociology with psychology in their shared study of the nature and causes of human social interaction, with an emphasis on how people think towards each other and how they relate to each other. The behavior and mental processes, both human and non-human, can be described through animal cognition, ethology, evolutionary psychology, and comparative psychology as well. Human ecology is an academic discipline that investigates how humans and human societies interact with both their natural environment and the human social environment.

ously said to possess consciousness, self-awareness, and a mind, which correspond roughly to the mental processes of thought. These are said to possess qualities such as self-awareness, sentience, sapience, and the ability to perceive the relationship between oneself and one’s environment. The extent to which the mind constructs or experiences the outer world is a matter of debate, as are the definitions and validity of many of the used Motivation and emotion above.

The physical aspects of the mind and brain, and by exMain articles: Motivation and Emotion tension of the nervous system, are studied in the field of Motivation is the driving force of desire behind all neurology, the more behavioral in the field of psychology, and a sometimes loosely defined area between in the field of psychiatry, which treats mental illness and behavioral disorders. Psychology does not necessarily refer to the brain or nervous system, and can be framed purely in of phenomenological or information processing theories of the mind. Increasingly, however, an understanding of brain functions is being included in psychological theory and practice, particularly in areas such as artificial intelligence, neuropsychology, and cognitive neuroscience. The nature of thought is central to psychology and related fields. Cognitive psychology studies cognition, the mental processes’ underlying behavior. It uses information processing as a framework for understanding the mind. Perception, learning, problem solving, memory, attention, language and emotion are all well researched areas as well. Cognitive psychology is associated with a school of thought known as cognitivism, whose adherents argue for an information processing model of mental function, informed by positivism and experimental psychology. Techniques and models from cognitive psychology are widely applied and form the mainstay of psychological theories in many areas of both research and applied psychology. Largely focusing on the development of the human mind through the life span, developmental psychology seeks to understand how people come to perceive, understand, and act within the world and how these processes change as they age. This may focus on intellectual, cognitive, neural, social, or moral development.

Illustration of grief from Charles Darwin's book The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals.

deliberate actions of humans. Motivation is based on emotion—specifically, on the search for satisfaction (positive emotional experiences), and the avoidance of conflict. Positive and negative is defined by the individual brain state, which may be influenced by social norms: a person may be driven to self-injury or violence because their brain is conditioned to create a positive re-

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sponse to these actions. Motivation is important because it is involved in the performance of all learned responses. Within psychology, conflict avoidance and the libido are seen to be primary motivators. Within economics, motivation is often seen to be based on incentives; these may be financial, moral, or coercive. Religions generally posit divine or demonic influences. Happiness, or the state of being happy, is a human emotional condition. The definition of happiness is a common philosophical topic. Some people might define it as the best condition that a human can have—a condition of mental and physical health. Others define it as freedom from want and distress; consciousness of the good or- Human parents continue caring for their offspring long after they der of things; assurance of one’s place in the universe or are born. society. Emotion has a significant influence on, or can even be said to control, human behavior, though historically many cultures and philosophers have for various reasons discouraged allowing this influence to go unchecked. Emotional experiences perceived as pleasant, such as love, iration, or joy, contrast with those perceived as unpleasant, like hate, envy, or sorrow. There is often a distinction made between refined emotions that are socially learned and survival oriented emotions, which are thought to be innate. Human exploration of emotions as separate from other neurological phenomena is worthy of note, particularly in cultures where emotion is considered separate from physiological state. In some cultural medical theories emotion is considered so synonymous with certain forms of physical health that no difference is thought to exist. The Stoics believed excessive emotion was harmful, while some Sufi teachers felt certain extreme emotions could yield a conceptual perfection, what is often translated as ecstasy.

tures among them hidden ovulation, the evolution of external scrotum and penis suggesting sperm competition, the absence of an os penis, permanent secondary sexual characteristics and the forming of pair bonds based on sexual attraction as a common social structure. Contrary to other primates that often estrus through visible signs, human females do not have a distinct or visible signs of ovulation plus they experience sexual desire outside of their fertile periods. These adaptations indicate that the meaning of sexuality in humans is similar to that found in the bonobo, and that the complex human sexual behavior has a long evolutionary history.[193] Human choices in acting on sexuality are commonly influenced by cultural norms which vary widely. Restrictions are often determined by religious beliefs or social customs. The pioneering researcher Sigmund Freud believed that humans are born polymorphously perverse, which means that any number of objects could be a source of pleasure. According to Freud humans then through five stages of psychosexual development and can fixate on any stage because of various traumas during the process. For Alfred Kinsey, another influential sex researcher, people can fall anywhere along a continuous scale of sexual orientation, with only small minorities fully heterosexual or homosexual.[194][195] Recent studies of neurology and genetics suggest people may be born predisposed to various sexual tendencies.[196][197]

In modern scientific thought, certain refined emotions are considered a complex neural trait innate in a variety of domesticated and non-domesticated mammals. These were commonly developed in reaction to superior survival mechanisms and intelligent interaction with each other and the environment; as such, refined emotion is not in all cases as discrete and separate from natural neural function as was once assumed. However, when humans function in civilized tandem, it has been noted that uninhibited acting on extreme emotion can lead to social disorder and crime. 2.10.6 Sexuality and love Main articles: Love and Human sexuality For humans, sexuality has important social functions: it creates physical intimacy, bonds and hierarchies among individuals, besides ensuring biological reproduction. Sexual desire or libido, is experienced as a bodily urge, often accompanied by strong emotions such as love, ecstasy and jealousy. The significance of sexuality in the human species is reflected in a number of physical fea-

Behavior

Main articles: Culture, Society and Human behavior Humans are highly social beings and tend to live in large complex social groups. More than any other creature, humans are capable of utilizing systems of communication for self-expression, the exchange of ideas, and organization, and as such have created complex social structures composed of many cooperating and competing groups. Human groups range from the size of families to nations. Social interactions between humans have established an extremely wide variety of values, social norms, and rituals, which together form the basis of

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CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES are approximately six thousand different languages currently in use, including sign languages, and many thousands more that are extinct.[200]

Gender roles Main articles: Gender role and Gender The sexual division of humans into male and female has been marked culturally by a corresponding division of roles, norms, practices, dress, behavior, rights, duties, privileges, status, and power. Cultural differences by gender have often been believed to have arisen naturally out of a division of reproductive labor; the biological fact that women give birth led to their further cultural responsibility for nurturing and caring for children. Gender roles have varied historically, and challenges to predominant gender norms have recurred in many societies.

Kinship Humans often live in family-based social structures.

Main articles: Kinship and Marriage human society. Culture is defined here as patterns of complex symbolic behavior, i.e. all behavior that is not innate but which has to be learned through social interaction with others; such as the use of distinctive material and symbolic systems, including language, ritual, social organization, traditions, beliefs and technology.

Language While many species communicate, language is unique to humans, a defining feature of humanity, and a cultural universal. Unlike the limited systems of other animals, human language is open – an infinite number of meanings can be produced by combining a limited number of symbols. Human language also has the capacity of displacement, using words to represent things and happenings that are not presently or locally occurring, but reside in the shared imagination of interlocutors.[84] Language differs from other forms of communication in that it is modality independent; the same meanings can be conveyed through different media, auditively in speech, visually by sign language or writing, and even through tactile media such as braille. Language is central to the communication between humans, and to the sense of identity that unites nations, cultures and ethnic groups. The invention of writing systems at least five thousand years ago allowed the preservation of language on material objects, and was a major technological advancement. The science of linguistics describes the structure and function of language and the relationship between languages. There

All human societies organize, recognize and classify types of social relationships based on relations between parents and children (consanguinity), and relations through marriage (affinity). These kinds of relations are generally called kinship relations. In most societies kinship places mutual responsibilities and expectations of solidarity on the individuals that are so related, and those who recognize each other as kinsmen come to form networks through which other social institutions can be regulated. Among the many functions of kinship is the ability to form descent groups, groups of people sharing a common line of descent, which can function as political units such as clans. Another function is the way in which kinship unites families through marriage, forming kinship alliances between groups of wife-takers and wife-givers. Such alliances also often have important political and economical ramifications, and may result in the formation of political organization above the community level. Kinship relations often includes regulations for whom an individual should or shouldn't marry. All societies have rules of incest taboo, according to which marriage between certain kinds of kin relations are prohibited – such rules vary widely between cultures. Some societies also have rules of preferential marriage with certain kin relations, frequently with either cross or parallel cousins. Rules and norms for marriage and social behavior among kinsfolk is often reflected in the systems of kinship terminology in the various languages of the world. In many societies kinship relations can also be formed through forms of co-habitation, adoption, fostering, or companionship, which also tends to create relations of enduring solidarity (nurture kinship).

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Ethnicity Main article: Ethnic group Humans often form ethnic groups, such groups tend to be larger than kinship networks and be organized around a common identity defined variously in of shared ancestry and history, shared cultural norms and language, or shared biological phenotype. Such ideologies of shared characteristics are often perpetuated in the form of powerful, compelling narratives that give legitimacy and continuity to the set of shared values. Ethnic groupings often correspond to some level of political organization such as the band, tribe, city state or nation. Although ethnic groups appear and disappear through history, of ethnic groups often conceptualize their groups as having histories going back into the deep past. Such ideologies give ethnicity a powerful role in defining social identity and in constructing solidarity between of an ethno-political unit. This unifying property of ethnicity has been closely tied to the rise of the nation state as the predominant form of political organization in the 19th and 20th century.[201][202][203][204][205][206]

Russian honor guard at Tomb of the Unknown Soldier.

hierarchy. Politics is the process by which decisions are made within groups; this process often involves conflict as well as compromise. Although the term is generally applied to behavior within governments, politics is also observed in all human group interactions, including corporate, academic, and religious institutions. Many different political systems exist, as do many different ways of understanding them, and many definitions overlap. Examples of governments include monarchy, Communist state, military dictatorship, theocracy, and liberal democracy, Society, government, and politics the last of which is considered dominant today. All of Main articles: Origins of society, Society, Government, these issues have a direct relationship with economics. Politics and State (polity) Society is the system of organizations and institutions Trade and economics Main articles: Trade and Economics Trade is the voluntary exchange of goods and services,

The United Nations Headquarters in New York City, which houses one of the largest political organizations in the world

arising from interaction between humans. A state is an organized political community occupying a definite territory, having an organized government, and possessing internal and external sovereignty. Recognition of the state’s claim to independence by other states, enabling it to enter into international agreements, is often important to the establishment of its statehood. The “state” can also be defined in of domestic conditions, specifically, as conceptualized by Max Weber, “a state is a human community that (successfully) claims the monopoly of the 'legitimate' use of physical force within a given territory.”[207]

Buyers and sellers bargaining in a market

and is a form of economics. A mechanism that allows trade is called a market. Modern traders instead generally negotiate through a medium of exchange, such as money. As a result, buying can be separated from selling, or earning. Because of specialization and division of labor, most people concentrate on a small aspect of Government can be defined as the political means of manufacturing or service, trading their labor for products. creating and enforcing laws; typically via a bureaucratic Trade exists between regions because different regions

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have an absolute or comparative advantage in the production of some tradable commodity, or because different regions’ size allows for the benefits of mass production. Economics is a social science which studies the production, distribution, trade, and consumption of goods and services. Economics focuses on measurable variables, and is broadly divided into two main branches: microeconomics, which deals with individual agents, such as households and businesses, and macroeconomics, which considers the economy as a whole, in which case it considers aggregate supply and demand for money, capital and commodities. Aspects receiving particular attention in economics are resource allocation, production, Soldiers in front of the wood of Hougoumont during the reendistribution, trade, and competition. Economic logic is actment of the battle of Waterloo (1815), June 2011, Waterloo, increasingly applied to any problem that involves choice Belgium. under scarcity or determining economic value. sovereignty, territory, resources, religion, or other issues. A war between internal elements of a state is a civil war. Among animals, all-out war against fellow of Main article: War the same species occurs only among large societies of huWar is a state of organized armed conflict between mans and ants. War

There have been a wide variety of rapidly advancing tactics throughout the history of war, ranging from conventional war to asymmetric warfare to total war and unconventional warfare. Techniques include hand to hand combat, the use of ranged weapons, naval warfare, and, more recently, air . Military intelligence has often played a key role in determining victory and defeat. Propaganda, which often includes information, slanted opinion and disinformation, plays a key role in maintaining unity within a warring group, and/or sowing discord among opponents. In modern warfare, soldiers and combat vehicles are used to control the land, warships the sea, and aircraft the sky. These fields have also overlapped in the forms of marines, paratroopers, aircraft carriers, and surface-to-air missiles, among others. Satellites in low Earth orbit have made outer space a factor in warfare as well as it is used for detailed intelligence gathering, however no known aggressive actions have been taken from space. Material culture and technology The mushroom cloud of the atomic bombing of Nagasaki on August 9, 1945, the final act of World War II.

Main articles: Tool and Technology Stone tools were used by proto-humans at least 2.5 million years ago.[209] The controlled use of fire began around 1.5 million years ago. Since then, humans have made major advances, developing complex technology to create tools to aid their lives and allowing for other advancements in culture. Major leaps in technology include the discovery of agriculture – what is known as the Neolithic Revolution, and the invention of automated machines in the Industrial Revolution.

states or non-state actors. War is characterized by the use of lethal violence between combatants and/or upon non-combatants to achieve military goals through force. Lesser, often spontaneous conflicts, such as brawls, riots, revolts, and melees, are not considered to be warfare. Revolutions can be nonviolent or an organized and armed revolution which denotes a state of war. During the 20th century, it is estimated that between 167 and 188 million people died as a result of war.[208] A common def- Archaeology attempts to tell the story of past or lost culinition defines war as a series of military campaigns be- tures in part by close examination of the artifacts they tween at least two opposing sides involving a dispute over produced. Early humans left stone tools, pottery, and

2.10. HUMAN

An array of Neolithic artifacts, including bracelets, axe heads, chisels, and polishing tools.

jewelry that are particular to various regions and times.

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His Grace Dr Rowan Williams, Archibishop of Canterbury, visiting Abbaye du Bec in le Bec-Hellouin on the 26th & 27th of May 2005.

Body culture Main articles: Clothing, Body modification and Haircut Throughout history, humans have altered their appearance by wearing clothing[210][211] and adornments, by [213][214][215] Howtrimming or shaving hair or by means of body modifi- areas of active scientific investigation. ever, in the course of its development, religion has taken cations. on many forms that vary by culture and individual perBody modification is the deliberate altering of the human spective. Some of the chief questions and issues religions body for any non-medical reason, such as aesthetics, sex- are concerned with include life after death (commonly ual enhancement, a rite of age, religious reasons, to involving belief in an afterlife), the origin of life, the nadisplay group hip or affiliation, to create body ture of the universe (religious cosmology) and its ultimate art, shock value, or self-expression.[212] In its most broad fate (eschatology), and what is moral or immoral. A comdefinition it includes plastic surgery, socially acceptable mon source for answers to these questions are beliefs in decoration (e.g. common ear piercing in many societies), transcendent divine beings such as deities or a singular and religious rites of age (e.g. circumcision in a num- God, although not all religions are theistic. Spirituality, ber of cultures).[212] belief or involvement in matters of the soul or spirit, is one of the many different approaches humans take in trying to answer fundamental questions about humankind’s Religion and spirituality place in the universe, the meaning of life, and the ideal way to live one’s life. Though these topics have also been Main articles: Religion and Spirituality Religion is generally defined as a belief system con- addressed by philosophy, and to some extent by science, spirituality is unique in that it focuses on mystical or supernatural concepts such as karma and God.

Religion and spirituality are important aspects of human cultures, as is seen in The Creation of Adam by Michelangelo.

cerning the supernatural, sacred or divine, and practices, values, institutions and rituals associated with such belief. Some religions also have a moral code. The evolution and the history of the first religions have recently become

Although the exact level of religiosity can be hard to measure,[216] a majority of humans professes some variety of religious or spiritual belief, although many (in some countries a majority) are irreligious. This includes humans who have no religious beliefs or do not identify with any religion. Humanism is a philosophy which seeks to include all of humanity and all issues common to humans; it is usually non-religious. Most religions and spiritual beliefs are clearly distinct from science on both a philosophical and methodological level; the two are not generally considered mutually exclusive and a majority of humans hold a mix of both scientific and religious views. The distinction between philosophy and religion, on the other hand, is at times less clear, and the two are linked in such fields as the philosophy of religion and theology.

110 Philosophy and self-reflection Main articles: Philosophy and Human self-reflection See also: Human nature Philosophy is a discipline or field of study involving

CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES abstract, quantities, and to recognize and understand algorithmic patterns which enables infinite counting routines and algebra, something that is not found in any other species. Art, music, and literature Main articles: Art, Music and Literature Art is a cultural universal, and humans have been produc-

Statue of Confucius on Chongming Island in Shanghai

the investigation, analysis, and development of ideas at a general, abstract, or fundamental level. It is the discipline searching for a general understanding of reality, reasoning and values. Major fields of philosophy include logic, metaphysics, epistemology, philosophy of mind, and axiology (which includes ethics and aesthetics). Philosophy covers a very wide range of approaches, and is used to refer to a worldview, to a perspective on an issue, or to the positions argued for by a particular philosopher or school of philosophy.

Allegory of Music (ca. 1594), a painting of a woman writing sheet music by Lorenzo Lippi

ing artistic works at least since the days of Cro Magnon. As a form of cultural expression, art may be defined by the pursuit of diversity and the usage of narratives of liberation and exploration (i.e. art history, art criticism, and art theory) to mediate its boundaries. This distinction may be applied to objects or performances, current or historical, and its prestige extends to those who made, found, exhibit, or own them. In the modern use of the word, art is commonly understood to be the process or result Science of making material works that, from concept to creation, adhere to the “creative impulse” of human beings. Art Main article: Science is distinguished from other works by being in large part unprompted by necessity, by biological drive, or by any Another unique aspect of human culture and thought undisciplined pursuit of recreation. is the development of complex methods for acquiring Music is a natural intuitive phenomenon based on the knowledge through observation and quantification. The three distinct and interrelated organization structures scientific method has been developed to acquire knowl- of rhythm, harmony, and melody. Listening to muedge of the physical world and the rules, processes and sic is perhaps the most common and universal form principles of which it consists, and combined with math- of entertainment, while learning and understanding it ematics it enables the prediction of complex patterns of are popular disciplines. There are a wide variety of causality and consequence. Some other animals are able music genres and ethnic musics. Literature, the body to recognize differences in small quantities, but humans of written—and possibly oral—works, especially creative are able to understand and recognize much larger, even ones, includes prose, poetry and drama, both fiction and

2.10. HUMAN non-fiction. Literature includes such genres as epic, legend, myth, ballad, and folklore.

2.10.7

See also

• Human impact on the environment

2.10.8

References

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And that is in the which encomes the majority of the Jews, Norwegians facts of biology, the facts of non-concordance, the facts and Armenians, indicating that placement of these indiof continuous variation, the recentness of our evolution, viduals in a ‘Black’ cluster would be an inaccurate reflecthe way that we all commingle and come together, and tion of the genetic structure. Only 24% of the Ethiopians how genes flow. (...) There’s no generalizability to race. are placed in the cluster with the Bantu There is no center there (...). It’s fluid. [176] Liu, James J.Y. The Chinese Knight Errant. London: [184] Steve Olson, Mapping Human History: Discovering the Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1967 ISBN 0-226-48688-5. Past Through Our Genes, Boston, 2002 [177] Iqbal, Saadia. “A New Light on Skin Color”. National [185] “RACE - The Power of an Illusion”. PBS. Retrieved 2 Geographic Magazine. Retrieved 6 January 2013. January 2013. [178] Keita; Kittles, Royal; Bonney, Furbert-Harris; Dunston, [186] Jablonski, Nina (2004). “The evolution of human skin and skin color”. Annual Review of Anthropology 33: 585–623. Rotimi (2004). “Conceptualizing human variation”. Nadoi:10.1146/annurev.anthro.33.070203.143955. ture 36 (11 Suppl): S17–S20. doi:10.1038/ng1455. PMID 15507998. [187] Palmié, Stephan (May 2007). “Genomics, divination, 'racecraft'". American Ethnologist 34: 205–22. [179] Keita; Kittles, Royal; Bonney, Furbert-Harris; Dunston, doi:10.1525/ae.2007.34.2.205. Rotimi (2004). “Conceptualizing human variation”. Nature 36 (11 Suppl): S17–S20. doi:10.1038/ng1455. [188] 3-D Brain Anatomy, The Secret Life of the Brain, Public PMID 15507998. Modern human biological variation is Broadcasting Service. Retrieved April 3, 2005. not structured into phylogenetic subspecies ('races’), nor are the taxa of the standard anthropological 'racial' clas- [189] Grandner, Michael A.; Patel, Nirav P.; Gehrman, Philip sifications breeding populations. The 'racial taxa' do not R.; Perlis, Michael L.; Pack, Allan I. (2010). “Problems meet the phylogenetic criteria. 'Race' denotes socially associated with short sleep: bridging the gap between labconstructed units as a function of the incorrect usage of oratory and epidemiological studies”. Sleep Medicine Rethe term. views 14 (4): 239–47. doi:10.1016/j.smrv.2009.08.001. PMC 2888649. PMID 19896872. [180] “Census, race and science”. Nature Genetics 24: 97–98. 2000. doi:10.1038/72884. That race (...) is not a sci- [190] Leary, Mark R.; Tangney, June Price (2005). Handbook of Self and Identity. New York, New York: Guilford entific term is generally agreed upon by scientists—and a Press. pp. 576–577. ISBN 978-1-59385-237-5. message that cannot be repeated often enough. [181] Harrison, Guy (2010). Race and Reality. Amherst: [191] Dr. Jack Palmer. “Consciousness and the Symbolic Universe”. Retrieved March 17, 2006. Prometheus Books. Race is a poor empirical description of the patterns of difference that we encounter within our [192] Ned Block: On a Confusion about a Function of Conspecies. The billions of humans alive today simply do not sciousness in: The Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 1995. fit into neat and tidy biological boxes called races. Science has proven this conclusively. The concept of race (...) is [193] Haviland, Wiliam A.; Prins, Harald E.L.; McBride, not scientific and goes against what is known about our Bunny; Walrath, Dana (2010). Cultural Anthropolever-changing and complex biological diversity. ogy: The Human Challenge. Belmont, California: Wadsworth/Cengage Learning. p. 82. ISBN 978-0-495[182] Roberts, Dorothy (2011). Fatal Invention. London, New 81082-7. York: The New Press. The genetic differences that exist among populations are characterized by gradual changes [194] Wikimedia Foundation. Anthropology. Wikimedia Foundation. p. 87. Retrieved 10 August 2013. across geographic regions, not sharp, categorical distinctions. Groups of people across the globe have varying [195] MobileReference (15 December 2009). The Illustrated frequencies of polymorphic genes, which are genes with Encyclopedia of North American Mammals. MobileRefany of several differing nucleotide sequences. There is erence. p. 601. Retrieved 10 August 2013. no such thing as a set of genes that belongs exclusively to one group and not to another. The clinal, gradually chang- [196] Buss, David M. (2003). The Evolution of Desire: Strateing nature of geographic genetic difference is complicated gies of Human Mating. Revised Edition. New York, New further by the migration and mixing that human groups York: Basic Books. ISBN 978-0-465-00802-5. have engaged in since prehistory. Genetic studies have substantiated the absence of clear biological borders; thus [197] Thornhill, Randy; Palmer, Craig T. (2000). A Natural History of Rape. Biological Bases of Sexual Coercion. the term “race” is rarely used in scientific terminology, Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press. ISBN 978-0either in biological anthropology and in human genetics. 262-70083-2. Race has no genetic or biological basis. Human beings do

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[198] “Statistical Summaries”. Ethnologue. Retrieved 2011-12- [216] Hall, Daniel E.; Meador, Keith G.; Koenig, Harold G. 10. (2008). “Measuring religiousness in health research: review and critique”. Journal of Religion and Health 47 [199] “CIA – The World Factbook”. Cia.gov. Retrieved 2011(2): 134–163. doi:10.1007/s10943-008-9165-2. PMID 12-10. 19105008. [200] Comrie, Bernard; Polinsky, Maria; Matthews, Stephen (1996). The Atlas of Languages: The Origin and Development of Languages Throughout the World. New York, New York: Facts on File. pp. 13–15. ISBN 978-0-81603388-1. [201] J. Hutchinson & A.D. Smith (eds.), Oxford readers: Ethnicity (Oxford 1996), “Introduction”

2.10.9 Further reading • Freeman, Scott; Jon C. Herron, Evolutionary Analysis (4th ed.) Pearson Education, Inc., 2007. ISBN 0-13-227584-8 pages 757–761.

[202] Smith, Anthony D. (1999) Myths and Memories of the Nation. Oxford University Press. pp.4–7 [203] Banton, Michael. (2007) Weber on Ethnic Communities: A critique. Nations and Nationalism 13 (1), 2007, 19–35. [204] Delanty,Gerard & Krishan Kumar (2006) The SAGE Handbook of Nations and Nationalism. SAGE. ISBN 1412901014 p. 171 [205] Ronald Cohen 1978 “Ethnicity: Problem and Focus in Anthropology” in Annual Review of Anthropology 7: 383 Palo Alto: Stanford University Press [206] Thomas Hylland Eriksen (1993) Ethnicity and Nationalism: Anthropological Perspectives. London: Pluto Press

2.10.10 External links • Archaeology Info • Homo sapiens – The Smithsonian Institution’s Human Origins Program • Homo sapiens Linnaeus, 1758 at the Encyclopedia of Life • View the human genome on Ensembl

[207] Max Weber’s definition of the modern state 1918, by Max Weber, 1918. Retrieved March 17, 2006. [208] Ferguson, Niall. “The Next War of the World.” Foreign Affairs, Sep/Oct 2006

2.11 Interpersonal relationship

[209] Clark, J.D.; de Heinzelin, J.; Schick, K.D. et al. (1994). “African Homo erectus: old radiometric ages and young Oldowan assemblages in the Middle Awash Valley, Ethiopia”. Science 264 (5167): 1907–1910. doi:10.1126/science.8009220. PMID 8009220.

An interpersonal relationship is a strong, deep, or close association or acquaintance between two or more people that may range in duration from brief to enduring. This association may be based on inference, love, solidarity, regular business interactions, or some other type of social commitment. Interpersonal relationships are formed in the context of social, cultural and other influences. The context can vary from family or kinship relations, friendship, marriage, relations with associates, work, clubs, neighborhoods, and places of worship. They may be regulated by law, custom, or mutual agreement, and are the basis of social groups and society as a whole.

[210] Balter M (2009). “Clothes Make the (Hu) Man”. Science 325 (5946): 1329. doi:10.1126/science.325_1329a. PMID 19745126. [211] Kvavadze E, Bar-Yosef O, Belfer-Cohen A, Boaretto E,Jakeli N, Matskevich Z, Meshveliani T. (2009).30,000Year-Old Wild Flax Fibers” Science 325(5946) 1359. doi:10.1126/science.1175404 PMID 19745144 ing Online Material [212] Margo DeMello (2007). Encyclopedia of Body Adornment. ABC-CLIO. pp. 17–. ISBN 978-0-313-33695-9. Retrieved 6 April 2012.

2.11.1 Field of study

The study of interpersonal relationships involves several branches of the social sciences, including such disciplines as sociology, communication studies, psychology, [214] Boyer, Pascal (2008). “Being human: Religion: anthropology, and social work. Interpersonal skills are bound to believe?". Nature 455 (7216): 1038–1039. vital when trying to develop a relationship with another doi:10.1038/4551038a. PMID 18948934. person. The scientific study of relationships evolved durand came to be referred to as 'relationship [215] Emmons, Robert A.; Paloutzian, Raymond F. ing the 1990s [1] which distinguishes itself from anecdotal evscience', (2003). “The psychology of religion”. Annual Review of Psychology 54 (1): 377–402. idence or pseudo-experts by basing conclusions on data doi:10.1146/annurev.psych.54.101601.145024. PMID and objective analysis. Interpersonal ties are also a sub12171998. ject in mathematical sociology.[2] [213] “Evolutionary Religious Studies: A New Field of Scientific Inquiry”.

2.11. INTERPERSONAL RELATIONSHIP

2.11.2

Importance

Human beings are innately social and are shaped by their experiences with others. There are multiple perspectives to understand this inherent motivation to interact with others.

Need to belong According to Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, humans need to feel love (sexual/nonsexual) and acceptance from social groups (family, peer groups). In fact, the need to belong is so innately ingrained that it may be strong enough to overcome physiological and safety needs, such as children’s attachment to abusive parents or staying in abusive romantic relationships. Such examples illustrate the extent to which the psychobiological drive to belong is entrenched.

Social exchange Another way to appreciate the importance of relationships is in of a reward framework. This perspective suggests that individuals engage in relations that are rewarding in both tangible and intangible ways. The concept fits into a larger theory of social exchange. This theory is based on the idea that relationships develop as a result of cost-benefit analysis. Individuals seek out rewards in interactions with others and are willing to pay a cost for said rewards. In the best-case scenario, rewards will exceed costs, producing a net gain. This can lead to “shopping around” or constantly comparing alternatives to maximize the benefits (rewards) while minimizing costs.

Relational self Relationships are also important for their ability to help individuals develop a sense of self. The relational self is the part of an individual’s self-concept that consists of the feelings and beliefs that one has regarding oneself that develops based on interactions with others.[3] In other words, one’s emotions and behaviors are shaped by prior relationships. Thus, relational self theory posits that prior and existing relationships influence one’s emotions and behaviors in interactions with new individuals, particularly those individuals that remind him or her of others in his or her life. Studies have shown that exposure to someone who resembles a significant other activates specific self-beliefs, changing how one thinks about oneself in the moment more so than exposure to someone who does not resemble one’s significant other.[4]

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2.11.3 Stages Interpersonal relationships are dynamic systems that change continuously during their existence. Like living organisms, relationships have a beginning, a lifespan, and an end. They tend to grow and improve gradually, as people get to know each other and become closer emotionally, or they gradually deteriorate as people drift apart, move on with their lives and form new relationships with others. One of the most influential models of relationship development was proposed by psychologist George Levinger.[5] This model was formulated to describe heterosexual, adult romantic relationships, but it has been applied to other kinds of interpersonal relations as well. According to the model, the natural development of a relationship follows five stages: 1. Acquaintance and acquaintanceship – Becoming acquainted depends on previous relationships, physical proximity, first impressions, and a variety of other factors. If two people begin to like each other, continued interactions may lead to the next stage, but acquaintance can continue indefinitely. Another example is association. 2. Buildup – During this stage, people begin to trust and care about each other. The need for intimacy, compatibility and such filtering agents as common background and goals will influence whether or not interaction continues. 3. Continuation – This stage follows a mutual commitment to quite a strong and close longterm friendships, romantic relationship, or even marriage. It is generally a long, relative stable period. Nevertheless, continued growth and development will occur during this time. Mutual trust is important for sustaining the relationship. 4. Deterioration – Not all relationships deteriorate, but those that do tend to show signs of trouble. Boredom, resentment, and dissatisfaction may occur, and individuals may communicate less and avoid selfdisclosure. Loss of trust and betrayals may take place as the downward spiral continues, eventually ending the relationship. (Alternately, the participants may find some way to resolve the problems and reestablish trust and belief in others.) 5. Termination – The final stage marks the end of the relationship, either by breakups, death, or by spatial separation for quite some time and severing all existing ties of either friendship or romantic love. Friendships may involve some degree of transitivity. In other words, a person may become a friend of an existing friend’s friend. However, if two people have a sexual relationship with the same person, they may become competitors rather than friends. Accordingly, sexual behavior with the sexual partner of a friend may damage

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the friendship (see love triangle). Sexual activities be- in LDRs are actually more satisfied with their relationtween two friends tend to alter that relationship, either by ships compared to individuals in PRs (Stafford, 2005). “taking it to the next level” or by severing it. This can be explained by unique aspects of the LDRs, how the individuals use relationship maintenance behavA list of interpersonal skills includes: iors, and the attachment styles of the individuals in the relationships. Therefore, the costs and benefits of the re• Verbal communication – What we say and how we lationship are subjective to the individual, and recent resay it. search implies that people in LDRs tend to report lower • Nonverbal communication – What we communicate costs and higher rewards in their relationship compared to PRs (Stafford, 2005). without words, body language is an example. • Listening skills – How we interpret both the verbal 2.11.5 and non-verbal messages sent by others.

Flourishing, budding, blooming, blossoming relationships

• Negotiation – Working with others to find a mutually agreeable outcome. Positive psychologists use the various “flourish• Problem solving – Working with others to identify, ing, budding, blooming, blossoming relationships” to describe interpersonal relationships that are not merely define and solve problems. happy, but instead characterized by intimacy, growth, and [6] • Decision making – Exploring and analysing options resilience. Flourishing relationships also allow a dynamic balance between focus on the intimate relationto make sound decisions. ships and focus on other social relationships. • Assertiveness – Communicating our values, ideas, beliefs, opinions, needs and wants freely. Background

2.11.4

Relationship satisfaction

Social exchange theory and Rusbult’s investment model shows that relationship satisfaction is based on three factors: rewards, costs, and comparison levels (Miller, 2012). Rewards refer to any aspects of the partner or relationship that are positive. Adversely, costs are the negative or unpleasant aspects of the partner or their relationship. Comparison level includes what each partner expects of the relationship. The comparison level is influenced by past relationships, and general relationship expectations they are taught by family and friends. There is research showing that individuals in long distance relationship, LDRs, rated their relationships as more satisfying than individuals in proximal relationship, PRs (Stafford, & Reske, 1990; Stafford, 2005). Alternatively, Holt and Stone (1988) found that long distance couples who were able to meet with their partner at least once a month had similar satisfaction levels to unmarried couples who cohabitated. Also, the relationship satisfaction was lower for of LDRs who saw their partner less frequently than once a month. Agreeing with Holt and Stone was Guldner and Swenson (1995), who found that LDR couples reported same level of relationship satisfaction as couples in PRs, despite only seeing each other on average once every 23 days. Social exchange theory and the investment model both theorize that relationships that are high in costs would be less satisfying than relationships that are low in costs. LDRs have a higher level of costs than PRs, therefore, one would assume that LDRs are less satisfying than PRs. As previously stated, current research shows that individuals

While traditional psychologists specializing in close relationships have focused on relationship dysfunction, positive psychology argues that relationship health is not merely the absence of relationship dysfunction.[7] Healthy relationships are built on a foundation of secure attachment and are maintained with love and purposeful positive relationship behaviors. Additionally, healthy relationships can be made to “flourish.” Positive psychologists are exploring what makes existing relationships flourish and what skills can be taught to partners to enhance their existing and future personal relationships. A social skills approach posits that individuals differ in their degree of communication skill, which has implications for their relationships. Relationships in which partners possess and enact relevant communication skills are more satisfying and stable than relationships in which partners lack appropriate communication skills.[8] Adult attachment and attachment theory Healthy relationships are built on a foundation of secure attachments. Adult attachment models represent an internal set of expectations and preferences regarding relationship intimacy that guide behavior.[7] Secure adult attachment, characterized by low attachment-related avoidance and anxiety, has numerous benefits. Within the context of safe, secure attachments, people can pursue optimal human functioning and flourishing.[7] This is because social acts that reinforce feelings of attachment also stimulate the release of neurotransmitters such as oxytocin and endorphin, which alleviate stress and create feelings of contentment.[9] Attachment theory can also be used as a means of explaining adult relationships.[10]

2.11. INTERPERSONAL RELATIONSHIP Secure attachment styles are characterized by low avoidance of intimacy and low anxiety over abandonment. Secure individuals are comfortable with intimacy and interdependence, and are usually optimistic and social in everyday life. Securely attached individuals usually use their partners for emotion regulation so they prefer to have their partners in close proximity (Conde, Figueiredo, & Bifulco, 2011; Miller, 2012). Preoccupied individuals tend to be low on avoidance of intimacy and high on anxiety about abandonment. Preoccupied people are normally uneasy and vigilant towards any threat to the relationship and tend to be needy and jealous. Dismissing individuals are low on anxiety over abandonment and high in avoidance of intimacy. Dismissing people are usually self-reliant and uninterested in intimacy, and are independent and indifferent towards acquiring romantic partners (Chopik, Edelstein, & Fraley, 2013). Fearful attachment styled individuals are high in avoidance of intimacy and high in anxiety over abandonment, which means they rarely allow themselves to be in relationships, and if they do get into one, are very anxious about losing the partner. They are very fearful of rejection, mistrustful of others, and tend to be suspicious and shy in everyday life. Attachment styles are created during childhood but can adapt and evolve to become a different attachment style based on individual experiences (Chopik et al., 2013). A bad breakup or a bad romantic situation can change someone from being in a secure attachment to insecure. On the contrary, a good romantic relationship can take a person from an avoidant attachment style to more of a secure attachment style. Romantic love Main article: Romantic love The capacity for love gives depth to human relationships, brings people closer to each other physically and emotionally, and makes people think expansively about themselves and the world.[7] Stages of romantic interpersonal relationships can also be characterized more generally by the following: attraction; initiation; development; sustaining vs. terminating. • Attraction – Premeditated or automatic, attraction can occur between acquaintances, coworkers, lovers, etc., be based on sexual arousal, intellectual stimulation, or respect. Studies have shown that attraction can be susceptible to influence based on context and externally induced arousal, with the caveat that participants be unaware of the source of their arousal. A study by Cantor, J. R., Bryant, J., & Zillmann, D. (1975), induced arousal through physical exercise and found that participants rated erotic pictures highly 4 min post-exercise (when no longer realized aroused by exercise) than either immediately after (when arousal and awareness were greater) or 10 minutes later (when exercise-induced

121 arousal had dissipated). As ed by a series of studies, Zillman and colleagues showed that a preexisting state of arousal can heighten reactions to affective stimuli.[11] A classic study by Dutton & Aron (1974) showed that fear arousal from suspension bridges leads to higher attraction ratings by males of a female confederate.[12] • Initiation – There are several catalysts in the initiation of a new relationship. One commonly studied factor is physical proximity (also known as propinquity). The MIT Westgate studies famously showed that greater physical proximity between incoming students in a university residential hall led to greater relationship initiation. More specifically, only 10% of those living on opposite ends of Westgate West considered each other friends while more than 40% of those living in adjacent apartments considered each other friends.[13] The theory behind this effect is that proximity facilitates chance encounters, which lead to initiation of new relationships. This is closely related to the mere exposure effect, which states that the more an individual is exposed to a person or object, the more s/he likes it. Another important factor in the initiation of new relationships is similarity. Put simply, individuals tend to be attracted to and start new relationships with those who are similar to them. These similarities can include beliefs, rules, interests, culture, education, etc. Individuals seek relationships with like others because like others are most likely to validate shared beliefs and perspectives, thus facilitating interactions that are positive, rewarding and without conflict. • Development – Development of interpersonal relationships can be further split into committed versus non-committed romantic relationships, which have different behavioral characteristics. In a study by Miguel & Buss (2011), men and women were found to differ in a variety of mate-retention strategies depending on whether their romantic relationships were committed or not. More committed relationships by both genders were characterized by greater resource display, appearance enhancement, love and care, and verbal signs of possession. In contrast, less committed relationships by both genders were characterized by greater jealousy induction. In of gender differences, men used greater resource display than women, who used more appearance enhancement as a mate-retention strategy than men.[14] • Sustaining vs. terminating – After a relationship has had time to develop, it enters into a phase where it will be sustained if it is not otherwise terminated. Some important qualities of strong, enduring relationships include emotional understanding and effective communication between partners. Research

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CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES has also shown that idealization of one’s partner is linked to stronger interpersonal bonds. Idealization is the pattern of overestimating a romantic partner’s positive virtues or underestimating a partner’s negative faults in comparison to the partner’s own selfevaluation. In general, individuals who idealize their romantic partners tend to report higher levels of relationship satisfaction.[15] Other research has examined the impact of t activity on relationship quality. In particular, studies have shown that romantic partners that engage in a novel and exciting physical activity together are more likely to report higher levels of relationship satisfaction than partners that complete a mundane activity.[16]

are considered in Confucianism to owe their seniors reverence and seniors have duties of benevolence and concern toward juniors. A focus on mutuality is prevalent in East Asian cultures to this day. Minding relationships The mindfulness theory of relationships shows how closeness in relationships may be enhanced. Minding is the “reciprocal knowing process involving the nonstop, interrelated thoughts, feelings, and behaviors of persons in a relationship.”[20] Five components of “minding” include:[7] 1. Knowing and being known: seeking to understand the partner

In his triangular theory of love, psychologist Robert 2. Making relationship-enhancing attributions for beSternberg theorizes that love is a mix of three comhaviors: giving the benefit of the doubt ponents: some (1) ion, or physical attraction; (2) 3. Accepting and respecting: empathy and social skills intimacy, or feelings of closeness; and (3) commitment, involving the decision to initiate and sustain a relation4. Maintaining reciprocity: active participation in reship. The presence of all three components characterizes lationship enhancement consummate love, the most durable type of love. In addition, the presence of intimacy and ion in marital rela5. Continuity in minding: persisting in mindfulness tionships predicts marital satisfaction. Also, commitment is the best predictor of relationship satisfaction, especially in long-term relationships. Positive consequences Theory of intertype relationships Socionics has proof being in love include increased self-esteem and self- posed a theory of intertype relationships between psychological types based on a modified version of C.G. efficacy.[7] Jung's theory of psychological types. Communication beReferring to the emotion of love, Psychiatrist Daniel Cas- tween types is described using the concept of information riel defined the “logic of love” as “the logic of pleasure metabolism proposed by Antoni Kępiński. Socionics aland pain” in the concept of a “Relationship Road Map” locates 16 types of the relations — from most attracthat became the foundation of PAIRS' relationship edu- tive and comfortable up to disputed. The understandcation classes.[17] ing of a nature of these relations helps to solve a number of problems of the interpersonal relations, including as”We are drawn to what we anticipate will pects of psychological and sexual compatibility. The rebe a source of pleasure and will look to avoid searches of married couples by Aleksandr Bukalov et al., what we anticipate will be a source of pain. have shown that the family relations submit to the laws, The emotion of love comes from the anticipawhich are opened by socionics. The study of socionic tion of pleasure.”[17] type allocation in casually selected married couples confirmed the main rules of the theory of intertype relations Based on Casriel’s theory, sustaining feelings of love in an in socionics.[21][22] So, the dual relations (full addition) interpersonal relationship requires “effective communi- make 45% and the intraquadral relations make 64% of cation, emotional understanding and healthy conflict res- investigated couples. olution skills.”[18] Theories and empirical research Confucianism Confucianism is a study and theory of relationships especially within hierarchies.[19] Social harmony—the central goal of Confucianism—results in part from every individual knowing his or her place in the social order, and playing his or her part well. Particular duties arise from each person’s particular situation in relation to others. The individual stands simultaneously in several different relationships with different people: as a junior in relation to parents and elders, and as a senior in relation to younger siblings, students, and others. Juniors

Culture of appreciation After studying married couples for many years, psychologist John Gottman has proposed the theory of the “magic ratio” for successful marriages. The theory says that for a marriage to be successful, couples must average a ratio of five positive interactions to one negative interaction. As the ratio moves to 1:1, divorce becomes more likely.[7] Interpersonal interactions associated with negative relationships include criticism, contempt, defensiveness, and stonewalling. Over time, therapy aims to turn these interpersonal strategies into more positive ones, which include complaint, appreciation, acceptance of responsibility, and self-soothing. Similarly, partners in inter-

2.11. INTERPERSONAL RELATIONSHIP

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personal relationships can incorporate positive compo- social interaction. Lastly, the behavior being studied has nents into difficult subjects in order to avoid emotional to be testable so it can be measured and manipulated, in disconnection.[23] order to establish reliability.[27] In addition, Martin Seligman proposes the concept of Active-Constructive Responding, which stresses the importance of practicing conscious attentive listening and skills. In essence, practicing this technique aims to improve the quality of communication between of the relationship, and in turn the gratitude expressed between said .[24] Capitalizing on positive events People can capitalize on positive events in an interpersonal context to work toward flourishing relationships. People often turn to others to share their good news (termed “capitalization”). Studies show that both the act of telling others about good events and the response of the person with whom the event was shared have personal and interpersonal consequences, including increased positive emotions, subjective well-being, and self-esteem, and relationship benefits including intimacy, commitment, trust, liking, closeness, and stability.[25] Studies show that the act of communicating positive events was associated with increased positive effect and well-being (beyond the impact of the positive event itself). Other studies have found that relationships in which partners responded to “good news” communication enthusiastically were associated with higher relationship well-being.[26] Other perspectives Neurobiology of interpersonal connections Humans are social creatures, and there is no other behavioral process that is more important than attachment. Attachment requires sensory and cognitive processing that lead to intricate motor responses. As humans, the end goal of attachment is the motivation to acquire love, which is different from other animals who just seek proximity.[27] There is an emerging body of research across multiple disciplines investigating the neurological basis of attachment and the prosocial emotions and behaviors that are the prerequisites for healthy adult relationships.[7] The social environment, mediated by attachment, influences the maturation of structures in a child’s brain. This might explain how infant attachment affects adult emotional health. Researchers are currently investigating the link between positive caregiver–child relationships and the development of hormone systems, such as the hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal axis (HPA axis) and Oxytocinergic system. In order to accurately study the neurobiology of interpersonal connection, the behavior must fulfill three requirements. The first is that the behavior must have a noticeable onset so that researchers are able to examine the formation of the attachment bond or how it is inhibited. Second, the behavior must be selective in order differentiate it from normal

• The mother–infant attachment – Key biological factors have emerged that can explain the motivation behind maternal caregiving behavior in humans and mammals. However, it does differ from species to species, due to that some species only exhibit maternal care postpartum, others exhibit it only slightly and some are very maternal.[27] Two main neuroendocrine systems that revolved around Oxytocin and Dopamine,[28] and another neuropeptide, prolactin are directly involved as mediators of maternal care.[27] The mother–infant bond is so complex and strong due to these biological systems, that a response to maternal separation exists. The response to separation is due to the withdrawal of several different components from behavioral and biological systems. Separation anxiety, the psychological term that describes the response that occurs when an infant is separated from the mother, causes loss of those components, as seen in studies done with rats.[29] 1. Oxytocinergic system – Oxytocin is a peptide hormone produced in the hypothalamus that is ed through the posterior pituitary gland into the bloodstream. Oxytocin acts on the mammary glands and uterine muscles to stimulate the secretion of milk and uterine contractions during childbirth. However, it is a crucial factor in many aspects of social bonding,specifically the onset of the mother– infant attachment bond.[28] It acts on the medial preoptic area (MPOA) and the ventral tegmental area (VTA) in the brain which are critical for integration of sensory information in maternal care.[27] Oxytocin plays a key role in physical proximity and nurturing care and leads (as shown in studies with rats) the mother to go from avoiding behavior to caring for their young. Oxytocin knockout rats or injection of an oxytocin receptor antagonist will lead to neglect of the infant or pup.[28] In mammals, the development of the Oxytocinergic system has led to the basis of the mother–infant attachment. 2. Dopaminergic system – Dopamine is a neurotransmitter that affects behavior in not just the mother but in the offspring as well. Dopamine is essential in for reinforcing behavior that gives us pleasure because it is part of the limbic system that deals with emotion. Therefore, it is able to stimulate responsive maternal care and reinforce attachment. Understanding the dopaminergic system is important because it could make the difference between maternal neglect and nurture.[28] 3. Prolactin – As seen in lesion studies of rats pro-

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CHAPTER 2. ING ARTICLES lactin, which is also involved in lactation, is important in encouraging maternal behavior. Decreasing the levels of prolactin or lack of the receptor of prolactin leads to inhibition of maternal care in rats.

• Relationship status • Relationship forming • Socionics

• Adult–adult pair bond formation – Oxytocin and vasopressin play a crucial part in the process of 2.11.7 References bond formation of mates. Vasopressin is a peptide hormone whose main function is to retain water in [1] Berscheid, Ellen (April 1999). “The greening of relationship science”. American Psychologist. 4 54 (4): 260–266. the body, and is also known as antidiuretic hordoi:10.1037/0003-066X.54.4.260. PMID 10217995. mone (ADH). Pair bonding is studied using voles and it has been found that injection of both hor[2] Berscheid, E., & Peplau, L.A. (1983). The emerging scimones stimulates the behavioral responses needed ence of relationships. In H.H. Kelley, et al. (Eds.), Close in pair bond formation, even when mating hasn't relationships. (pp. 1–19). New York: W.H. Freeman and occurred.[27] These results are also proven when inCompany. jection of receptor antagonists of this hormones in[3] Andersen, S. M., & Chen, S. (2002). The relational self: hibits mating and necessary behaviors. The ability to study the biological processes behind attachment allows scientists to be able to understand the fundamental levels to makeup a psychological construct. It provides a link between a psychological concept and it’s physiological foundation.[29] Applications Researchers are developing an approach to couples therapy that moves partners from patterns of repeated conflict to patterns of more positive, comfortable exchanges. Goals of therapy include development of social and interpersonal skills. Expressing gratitude and sharing appreciation for a partner is the primary means for creating a positive relationship. Positive marital counseling also emphasizes mindfulness. The further study of “flourishing relationships could shape the future of premarital and marital counseling as well.”[7] Controversies

an interpersonal social-cognitive theory. Psychological review, 109(4), 619. [4] Hinkley, K., & Andersen, S. M. (1996). The working self-concept in transference: significant-other activation and self change. Journal of personality and social psychology, 71(6), 1279. [5] Levinger, G. (1983). Development and change. In H.H. Kelley, et al. (Eds.), Close relationships. (pp. 315–359). New York: W.H. Freeman and Company. [6] Fincham, F.D., & Beach, S.R.H. (2010). Of Memes and Marriage: Toward a Positive Relationship Science. Journal of Family Theory & Review, 2, 4–24. [7] Snyder, C.R., & Lopez, Shane, J. (2007). “Positive psychology: the scientific and practical explorations of human strengths.”, Thousand Oaks, California: Sage Publications, 297–321. [8] Burleson; Samter (April–June 2009). Communication Quarterly 57 (2). Missing or empty |title= (help) [9] Poquérusse, Jessie. “The Neuroscience of Sharing”. Retrieved 16 August 2012.

Some researchers criticize positive psychology for [10] Hazan, Cindy; Shaver, Phillip R. (1994). “Attachment as an Organizational Framework for Research on Close studying positive processes in isolation from negative Relationships”. Psychological Inquiry: an International [30] processes. Positive psychologists argue that positive Journal for the Advancement of Psychological Theory 5 and negative processes in relationships may be better un(1): 1–22. doi:10.1207/s15327965pli0501_1. derstood as functionally independent, not as opposites of each other.[31] [11] Cantor, J. R., Zillmann, D., & Bryant, J. (1975). En-

2.11.6

See also

• Breadwinner model • Intimate relationship • Interpersonal attraction • Interpersonal tie • Outline of relationships

hancement of experienced sexual arousal in response to erotic stimuli through misattribution of unrelated residual excitation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 32(1), 69. [12] Dutton, D. G., & Aron, A. P. (1974). Some evidence for heightened sexual attraction under conditions of high anxiety. Journal of personality and social psychology, 30(4), 510. [13] Festinger, L., Back, K. W., & Schachter, S. (1950). Social pressures in informal groups: A study of human factors in housing (No. 3). Stanford University Press.

2.11. INTERPERSONAL RELATIONSHIP

[14] de Miguel, A., & Buss, D. M. (2011). Mate retention tactics in Spain: Personality, sex differences, and relationship status. Journal of personality, 79(3), 563-586. [15] Murray, S. L., Holmes, J. G., & Griffin, D. W. (1996). The benefits of positive illusions: Idealization and the construction of satisfaction in close relationships. Journal of personality and social psychology, 70(1), 79. [16] Aron, A., Norman, C. C., Aron, E. N., McKenna, C., & Heyman, R. E. (2000). Couples’ shared participation in novel and arousing activities and experienced relationship quality. Journal of personality and social psychology, 78(2), 273. [17] Casriel, Daniel (1976). A Scream Away from Happiness. New York: Grosset & Dunlap. ASIN B003A1JRCI. [18] Eisenberg, Seth; PAIRS Foundation (2007). PAIRS Essentials. Florida: PAIRS Foundation. p. 72. ISBN 0985427817. [19] Richey, Jeff (2011). “Confucius”. iep.utm.edu. Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Retrieved August 11, 2011. [20] John H. Harvey, J.H., & Pauwels, B.G. (2009). Relationship Connection: A Redux on the Role of Minding and the Quality of Feeling Special in the Enhancement of Closeness. [Eds.] Snyder, C.D., & Lopez, S.J. Oxford Handbook of Positive Psychology: Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 385–392.

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[29] Hofer, Myron (April 2006). “Psychobiological Roots of Early Attachment”. Current Directions in Psychological Science 15: 84–88. doi:10.1111/j.09637214.2006.00412.x. [30] Gable, S.L., Haidt, J. (2005). “What (and Why) Is Positive Psychology?” Review of General Psychology. 9(2), 103-110. [31] Maniaci, M.R., & Reis, H.T. (2010). The Marriage of Positive Psychology and Relationship Science: A Reply to Fincham and Beach. Journal of Family Theory & Review, 2, 47–53.

• Conde, A., Figueiredo, B., & Bifulco, A. (2011). Attachment style and psychological adjustment in couples. Attachment & Human Development, 13(3), 271-291. • Chopik, W. J., Edelstein, R. S., & Fraley, R. C. (2013). From the cradle to the grave: Adult attachment across the lifespan. Journal of Personality, 81, 171–183. • Guldner, G.T. & Swensen, C.H. (1995). Time spent together and relationship quality: Long distance relationships as a test case. Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 12, 313-320.

[21] Bukalov A.V., Karpenko O.B., Chykyrysova G.V.Statistics of intertype relationships in married couples

• Holt, P. & Stone, G. (1988). Needs, coping strategies, and coping outcomes associated with longdistance relationships. Journal of college student development, 29, 136-141.

[22] Bukalov A.V., Karpenko O.B., Chykyrysova G.V.Socionics: the effective theory of the mental structure and the interpersonal relations forecasting

• Miller, R. (2012). Attraction In Intimate Relationships (6th ed., pp. 71–14). New York: Mc-Graw Hill.

[23] Gottman, John (1999). The Seven Principles For Making Marriage Work. UK: Hachette. p. 288. ISBN 9781409137139.

• Stafford, L. (2005). Maintaining long-distance and cross residential relationships. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

[24] Seligman, Martin (2011). Flourish: A Visionary New Understanding of Happiness and Well-being. New York: Free Press. pp. 48–51.

• Stafford, L., & Reske, J. (1990). Idealization and communication in long-distance premarital relationships, Family Relations, 39, 274-279.

[25] Gable, S.L., & Reis, H.T. (2010). Good News! Capitalizing on Positive Events in an Interpersonal Context. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 42, 195–257. [26] Gable, S.L., Reis, H.T., Impett, E.A., Asher, E.R. (2004). What Do You Do When Things Go Right? The Intrapersonal and Interpersonal Benefits of Sharing Positive Events. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 87, 228–245. [27] Insel, Thomas (February 2001). “The neurobiology of attachment”. Nature Reviews Neuroscience 2: 129–136. doi:10.1038/35053579. [28] Strathearn, L. (November 2011). “Maternal Neglect: Oxytocin, Dopamine and the Neurobiology of Attachment”. Journal of Neuroendocrinology 23: 1054–1065. doi:10.1111/j.1365-2826.2011.02228.x.

2.11.8 External links • Media related to Relationships at Wikimedia Commons • The dictionary definition of interpersonal at Wiktionary • Quotations related to Interpersonal relationship at Wikiquote • Learning materials related to interpersonal relationships at Wikiversity

Chapter 3

Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses 3.1 Text • Anthropology Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anthropology?oldid=675608240 Contributors: AxelBoldt, Tobias Hoevekamp, Dreamyshade, Brion VIBBER, Eloquence, Mav, Robert Merkel, Zundark, The Anome, Tarquin, Slrubenstein, Gareth Owen, RK, ClaudineChionh, Andre Engels, XJaM, William Avery, Netesq, Olivier, Stevertigo, Edward, Michael Hardy, Jrcrin001, Liftarn, MartinHarper, Wapcaplet, Tomos, Chinju, Shoaler, Dori, Goatasaur, Ellywa, Mac, Snoyes, TUF-KAT, Nother, Darkwind, Nerd~enwiki, Salsa Shark, Glenn, BenKovitz, Poor Yorick, Nikai, Panoramix, Samuel~enwiki, JidGom, Charles Matthews, Guaka, David Newton, Dcoetzee, Selket, Maximus Rex, Hyacinth, Samsara, Chrisjj, Secretlondon, Jusjih, Jason Potter, Robbot, Altenmann, Kowey, Postdlf, P0lyglut, Merovingian, Sunray, Matty j, Rebrane, UtherSRG, Wikibot, David Edgar, Borislav, Benc, Aetheling, Davidcannon, Gobeirne, Ancheta Wis, Giftlite, Wolfkeeper, Luis Dantas, Kenny sh, Marcika, Duncharris, Guanaco, Macrakis, Bobblewik, Alan Au, Cam, John Abbe, Heysup420, Fishal, Leonard Vertighel, Alexf, Geni, Gdr, Metlin, Abu badali, Jossi, APH, Gauss, Icairns, Defenestrate, Sam Hocevar, WpZurp, Neutrality, Robin klein, Klemen Kocjancic, Aperey, Jfpierce, Bluemask, Bornintheguz, Discospinster, ElTyrant, Rich Farmbrough, Alex Golub, Guanabot, Cjoshuav, FT2, Pmsyyz, Drano, Vsmith, Silence, YUL89YYZ, Westendgirl, Arthur Holland, Mani1, WegianWarrior, Bender235, Ground, El C, Kwamikagami, Mwanner, Aude, Briséis~enwiki, Sietse Snel, Guettarda, Dustinasby, Bobo192, Viriditas, Cmdrjameson, Maurreen, Psychobabble, Hooperbloob, Jumbuck, Danski14, Alansohn, Arthena, Philip Cross, Mr Adequate, Penwhale, AzaToth, Bart133, MattWade, Hohum, Velella, Birdmessenger, Geraldshields11, Bsadowski1, TriNotch, Jackhynes, Zntrip, Stuartyeates, Rorschach, Woohookitty, Katyare, RHaworth, LOL, Rattus, Mazca, MONGO, Graham87, Descendall, BD2412, Chun-hian, Kbdank71, Dpv, Josh Parris, Sjö, Rjwilmsi, Mayumashu, Nightscream, Koavf, Vary, Bob A, Yaz, Amire80, Quiddity, JHMM13, Sdornan, Arisa, DonSiano, Kazrak, Pasky, Alveolate, Arbor, Brighterorange, The wub, Yamamoto Ichiro, FlaBot, Old Moonraker, SouthernNights, Nivix, RexNL, GusV, Jrtayloriv, Quuxplusone, OrbitOne, Alphachimp, Tedder, Silivrenion, BMF81, DVdm, Ubirathan, Gdrbot, Korg, Bgwhite, Wavelength, MarcMyWords, Hairy Dude, Phantomsteve, RussBot, Icarus3, Pigman, Anache, TimNelson, Stephenb, Gaius Cornelius, Rsrikanth05, NawlinWiki, Madcoverboy, Johannes de León, Joelr31, Alarichall, Jhurlburt, Cleared as filed, Nick, Mweymar, Zwobot, Romarin, Stefeyboy, Botteville, Maunus, Werdna, Wknight94, Mütze, Tigershrike, Pawyilee, WAS 4.250, 21655, Zzuuzz, Sintti, Feedmymind, GraemeL, Brianlucas, Tyrenius, ArielGold, Beter pan, Paul D. 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Macy, Pjscience, Sunrise, DancingPhilosopher, Kumioko (renamed), James Haughton, Zenauberon, Proper tea is theft, Kaloiatros, Alpha Centaury, Goodfaith99, Ainlina, Invertzoo, RS1900, Smashville, Jrochagzz, Twinsday, Martarius, Deep1979, Elassint, ClueBot, SummerWithMorons, Masamafo, PipepBot, Fyyer, Rik Eedles, The Thing That Should Not Be, Sammmttt, Rjd0060, Flpt, 00009999oooo, CespiT, ThoraHammerer, Meekywiki, Der Golem, Ed2birds, Superstar121087, Niceguyedc, Parkwells, argea, Excirial, TheMathemagician, Bruceanthro, Lantzy, Tyler, Anders75, Cenarium, Nengscoz416, Jotterbot, DeltaQuad, Razorflame, Aleksd, Kakofonous, Newsroom hierarchies, Thingg, Aitias, Versus22, SoxBot III, MasterOfHisOwnDomain, Shakajo, Cowardly Lion, Jengirl1988, XLinkBot, GraMicE, Morgan1996, Rror, Celexo, Little Mountain 5, Patellokesh, PL290, Ruthlandes, ElMeBot, Elrodriguez, Kampu~enwiki, Vanished ewrfgdg3df3, Kiminao, C6541, Mindyruiz, Captain-tucker, Montgomery '39, I am not a dog, Kongr43gpen, Mootros, Alex East, Vishnava, Leszek Jańczuk, Cst17, MrOllie, Cambalachero, Ccacsmss, Glane23, Debresser, Emmawors, Zara-arush, LemmeyBOT, LinkFA-Bot, Tassedethe, Danc1987, Tide rolls, Lightbot, Forestiig, C08040804, Krukouski, Zeekropun, Legobot, Luckas-bot, Yobot, Pink!Teen, Bunnyhop11, Kantzhu, Herbert lewis, Anypodetos, THEN WHO WAS PHONE?, IW.HG, Mojei, Gg4u, AnomieBOT, Rubinbot, Jim1138, LlywelynII, Countrytime4, Sumerland124, Anthropocentricgod, Mahmudmasri, Materialscientist, Okimas, Citation bot, Lolliapaulina51, Hyperlaosboy, Agahajakala, Neurolysis, ChristianH, LilHelpa, The Firewall, What makes a man turn neutral?, MauritsBot, Xqbot, Bakerccm, Jonathan321, Sionus, Capricorn42, Poetaris, Andreadb, Mitchitis, ChildofMidnight, DSisyphBot, Blueprowler, Inferno, Lord of Penguins, Srich32977, EatsShootsAndLeaves, Omnipaedista, Brandon5485, Saalstin, Una Nahmed, Monster8uncut, Dhammaruchi, Shadowjams, Methcub, Beeflower, Thedancingcheese, Aaron Kauppi, A.amitkumar, 13alexander, Dan6hell66, Fortdj33, Antopus, Paine Ellsworth, Tobby72, Altg20April2nd, Allinthebrain, Levalley, Jamesooders, Citation bot 1, Diana LeCrois, Hchc2009, Þjóðólfr, Pinethicket, Smurfn88, Tinton5, Ninagri, Bunny babies, SpaceFlight89, Meaghan, Brionthorpe, Olnnu, Utility Monster, Sudfa, Kgrad, Sujatha1174, TobeBot, ‫کاشف عقیل‬, Androby, GregKaye, Dinamik-bot, Danielscottsmith, Clarkcj12, Xvflamevx, Bluefist, Pinchme123, Otisian Bind, Diannaa, Dardis13, Obsidian Soul, RjwilmsiBot, Nsberry7, Ghadimi esmaeel, TonyD6201, Msin10, Omyumyum, Becritical, Slon02, Pinkbeast, EmausBot, John of Reading, Nicksway2cool4u, Josephcunningham, Ppierloot, Sokker30, Anthro monkey, Manbilongwakau, GoingBatty, Marco Guzman, Jr, Numenetics, Renamed01302013, Anthropologist123, Loudder, Wikipelli, Thecheesykid, Mz7, Werieth, Equisetum, John Cline, Fæ, Kyaku84, Knight1993, Bangsmcoy23, Question Often, The Nut, Wayne Slam, Letssee23, Aidarzver, L Kensington, Phronetic, ionOrPain, Carey McCarthy, Qianxinyi, EdoBot, Wakebrdkid, TYelliot, Miradre, Cgt, Petrb, ClueBot NG, Taylorlovesmen, Jacksoncw, Mr.bigshot103, Gilderien, Hermes the Wise, Divinecomedy666, Frietjes, Hazhk, Guesswhat987654321, Widr, WikiPuppies, Groupuscule, Lawsonstu, Brgh, Helpful Pixie Bot, DWhitley, Twalker.wiki, Jergens54, Gob Lofa, BG19bot, I Love Thick Meat, Iselilja, Snowcountry1, 777Tommy777, ‫درفش کاویانی‬, Eddietrich, Metafragezeichen, Neutral current, Drift chambers, Gorthian, FoxCE, Jonnyp3, Yelyzaveta R, CitationCleanerBot, LaroCydnaS, Insidiae, Kali.reider, Nferrara100, Muhammad Shuaib Nadwi, CeraBot, BattyBot, Aejlhs, Anthrophilos, RichardMills65, HueSatLum, Esherwood, Kattran, ChrisGualtieri, Sylvia253, HaleyAnneS, MechanusSunrise, Dmunene, Derstacker, JYBot, Silvertie, Tow, Dandylian, Cerabot~enwiki, Jason Antrosio, John F. Lewis, SFK2, Graphium, , Backacgwan, Lupus Bellator, Reatlas, EWolf112, Schrauwers, Asianacamp, CsDix, Gooooop111, Dianavonnak, I am One of Many, Jamesmcmahon0, DavidLeighEllis, Snapdragon8, Jeegoo, Ugog Nizdast, Mrm7171, Heritagedailyuk, Ginsuloft, Loomspicker, Acho japara, Mrdressup, Rutgersscholar, AddWittyNameHere, Vinny Lam, Jinformation, Nannadeem, MarkArstenLovesDrK, Editani, BillyTanjung, Tapman1999, Ukelesack, Monkbot, Zumoarirodoka, Muelleum, Toolsofempire, D. 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Jinhl, Hws111, Jayadevp13, Gcr114, Glacialfox, Achowat, 1boulder, Uberstadt, Dan071, Anthrophilos, Joelbennettsa, Jesspower1, ChrisGualtieri, Soilcare, The Heakes, EuroCarGT, MadGuy7023, Enhed, Dantes1829, Kumioko, Dexbot, Koltuk, Lugia2453, Jamesx12345, Sai Ganesh Popuri, Telfordbuck, Dudesup, Schrauwers, CsDix, Sɛvɪnti faɪv, JamesMoose, Everymorning, Vedhika, Ugog Nizdast, Heritagedailyuk, Vinny Lam, Erkjhgiushfbnkj.xcvns, Mrsdevantier, Blahblahjb123, Tyrannical95, Ethically Yours, Mahusha, Nickiroo8345, Moscarelli65, Kkiiaannaa, Spezigirl, SantiLak, 221btardisisnotonfire, Prisencolinensinainciusol, Tryffin, SSEEGGilbert, Brianthorpe2424, The swag ranger, Dt Mos Ios, Sfuarchaeology, Physicsmathftw, Ebonystorm23, Kashish Arora, Trollolololololololol101010120101, Triplestep89, WyattAlex, GangGangQuokka2, Degenerate prodigy, Futuristech (Jesse Penix), Squiver, KasparBot, Sweepy and Anonymous: 993 • Cultural anthropology Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cultural_anthropology?oldid=671152358 Contributors: The Epopt, Slrubenstein, Andre Engels, Netesq, Youandme, Michael Hardy, Dori, Glenn, Dpol, Agtx, N-true, Pedant17, Shizhao, Penfold, AlexPlank, Robbot, Astronautics~enwiki, Babbage, Sunray, Davidcannon, Alan Liefting, Andycjp, Piotrus, Neutrality, Jfpierce, D6, EugeneZelenko, Francis Schonken, Westendgirl, LindsayH, El C, Nectarflowed, Viriditas, Maurreen, Stephen Bain, Weft, Alex '05, Snowolf, Birdmessenger, Versageek, Sars~enwiki, Woohookitty, Jannex, Palica, Graham87, Cuchullain, BD2412, FreplySpang, Mayumashu, Quiddity, Stilgar135, HappyCamper, Kalogeropoulos, Pavlo Shevelo, Chobot, Gdrbot, Roboto de Ajvol, YurikBot, Wavelength, Jhbeck23, Pigman, NawlinWiki, Welsh, Jpbowen, Lipothymia, Maunus, CQ, Zzuuzz, SMcCandlish, GrinBot~enwiki, Sardanaphalus, SmackBot, Tarret, Wegesrand, Gilliam, Mdfischer, TheLeopard, Hongooi, Gypsyheart, Mladifilozof, Labattblueboy, Maksim-bot, Salt Yeung, Dkusic~enwiki, 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Matthews, Reddi, Jm34harvey, Bloodshedder, Kizor, Goethean, Naufana, Kuralyov, Discospinster, Stbalbach, Viriditas, Maurreen, Lectonar, Headisdead, Joriki, Woohookitty, Brunnock, SCEhardt, BD2412, Daniel Collins, RJP, Ffaarr, YurikBot, RobotE, Sceptre, JarrahTree, Michael Slone, Arjuna909, Bhny, Rjensen, Alarichall, Ragesoss, Jpbowen, Number 57, Wujastyk, Nikkimaria, Closedmouth, Katieh5584, KnightRider~enwiki, SmackBot, Unyoyega, Commander Keane bot, Gilliam, Hmains, Salvor, Oatmeal batman, Jwy, Frokor, MTSbot~enwiki, Themightyquill, Warhorus, Brainybear, Thijs!bot, Biruitorul, Bobblehead, Alphachimpbot, Phanerozoic, MikeLynch, Athkalani~enwiki, The Transhumanist, Froid, Mausy5043, HarZim, LordAnubisBOT, STBotD, Geekdiva, TXiKiBoT, Broadbot, Logan, BotMultichill, ClueBot, SummerWithMorons, TheOldJacobite, Joeydakilla, Parkwells, Aleksd, Addbot, WikiPedia, Tassedethe, Ptbotgourou, Piano non troppo, Xqbot, RibotBOT, Cunibertus, HRoestBot, LittleWink, Xavier Bell, 777sms, Truelight234, Oswaldoalvizarb, GrindtXX, L Kensington, EdoBot, ClueBot NG, Loves1011, Helpful Pixie Bot, Justincheng12345-bot, EHaldon, Makecat-bot, Lugia2453, Tentinator, Dt Mos Ios and Anonymous: 41 • Diaspora Source: https://idoc-pub.futbolgratis.org/cdn-cgi/l/email-protection" class="__cf_email__" data-cfemail="8ac0e5f9e2a7c6effce3e4cae3efefefa4e5f8ed">[email protected], Lord Eru, Kai Barry, Seibzehn, Springnuts, Wozocoxonoy, Epf, Kukini, Qmwne235, Kkailas, Mersperto, Kuru, Scientizzle, DIEGO RICARDO PEREIRA, Jeenuv, Kseferovic, Girmitya, SandyGeorgia, CharlesMartel, Citicat, Rick marin, Hectorian, Hboss, Joseph Solis in Australia, Lenoxus, Rattatosk, Avg, Bobfrombrockley, Tom Hillstrom, Ken Gallager, Teccen, Gryakj, Cydebot, Hypercritic, Aristophanes68, 01011000, Tkynerd, Srajan01, Pediac, PKT, Thijs!bot, Barticus88, 23prootie, Keraunos, RevolverOcelotX, John254, Rare eraR, Dücanem, Dfrg.msc, Philippe, Mentifisto, Oleg Kikta, Manu bcn, Myanw, TuvicBot, JAnDbot, Dogru144, Mike D 26, Waya 5, V. Szabolcs, PhilKnight, Dream Focus, Oktuck, Lisawomersley, MartinDK, Tukes, Appraiser, Smooth0707, Lheydon, Froid, Wanderson9, K95, Mariapoliantseva, Dwainberg, Boffob, NoychoH, Angrycrustacean, Talon Artaine, JaGa, Baristarim, Pax:Vobiscum, Gun Powder Ma, Hdt83, Rettetast, R'n'B, Benkwood, Gerashsucks, LedgendGamer, Mausy5043, Artaxiad, J.delanoy, Maurice Carbonaro, WeaverBird, Century0, Molly-in-md, Rosenknospe, TWitts, Controlmonkey, Natl1, Bonadea, Pdcook, JavierMC, RjCan, Squids and Chips, CardinalDan, Pco~enwiki, Idioma-bot, Bozorg, U onecrisp, TreasuryTag, Gsapient, Macedonian, Science4sail, Lognumrg, Fences and windows, Dom Kaos, Inde2, Epson291, TXiKiBoT, BuickCenturyDriver, Rise Against713, Anonymous Dissident, Ikarushka, Crohnie, DJFrankie2468, Lvivske, VartanM, Una Smith, DennyColt, Broadbot, Frank G Anderson, Mazi99, Billinghurst, Dirkbb, Synthebot, Falcon8765, Dark Tea, Thanatos666, Michael Frind, Dimror, Mmarci, Xenovatis, Al Ameer son, M.V.E.i., SieBot, Lyræ, PeterCanthropus, Hertz1888, YourEyesOnly, Dawn Bard, Caltas, Smsarmad, Quest for Truth, LADave, A. Carty, Mr. Neutron, CitizenDAK, Ilhanli, YellowFlag, Shamwari, Manstorius, Belligero, Altzinn, Jobas, Martarius, MBK004, ClueBot, Lhawrylchak, WurmWoode, RashersTierney, Francine3, CasualObserver'48, Der Golem, Niceguyedc, Parkwells, Otolemur crassicaudatus, Nike787, Benbenjohn, Excirial, Alexbot, 7&6=thirteen, Kaiba, SchreiberBike, Bwabrass, Polly, Thomaselstedr, Piemaniscool, Haytegha, TJFox, Bücherwürmlein, DumZiBoT, BarretB, Gerhardvalentin, ErkinBatu, Ismihanoo9, Atomicdor, Ugh3n, The Rationalist, Addbot, Saynitso, Llewelyn MT, Deepaksx, Kman543210, Barking1, CarsracBot, CUSENZA Mario, GCaisle, LamaLoLeshLa, Meieimatai, Cub457, Lightbot, Czar Brodie, Legobot, Luckas-bot, Yobot, Timeroot, Hilanin, Angel ivanov angelov, Wbrinkmann, Solo Zone, AnomieBOT, Noq, Rubinbot, Proger, E3spears, Aff123a, Citation bot, Newsradio5, Eumolpo, SeventhHell, Juhur, Xqbot, Cureden, DSisyphBot, Hokmah, Davshul, Iamregi, Anna Frodesiak, J04n, GrouchoBot, Omnipaedista, Zarcillo, Nedim Ardoğa, Mattis, Devenirchaud, Shadowjams, Alex8541, FrescoBot, Tobby72, Garant^^, Citation bot 1, Pinethicket, HRoestBot, Shanmsho, Assyrianism, RedBot, Primaler, SkyMachine, Marley2289, Lotje, Vrenator, Medizinball, Diannaa, Bricaniwi, Ivomoregbee, TjBot, Lazypeepers, EmausBot, WikitanvirBot, Handbook3, ZiaLater, Griswaldo, 00edd, Tommy2010, K6ka, ZéroBot, Knowledge123Al, Dolovis, H3llBot, AndrewN, L0ngpar1sh, Aoc.migration, L Kensington, ShapsougSochi1864, Shrigley, WikiCopter, Mentibot, ChuispastonBot, ReubenET, ClueBot NG, Sharktopus, Reinhard88, JakeSerb, Helpful Pixie Bot, Mr. Credible, Gob Lofa, BG19bot, Dgdoady, Snaevar-bot, Flix11, Brooktrout51, Konullu, Jakebarrington, BattyBot, Remysam, ChrisGualtieri, TotalMaN, Vivi moony, Mogism, Balakumarcbk, Kches16414, Jogiangi36, Will Soc, Danker Schaareman, Monkbot, SantiLak, Royflea, Ferdoseashraf, Celtic mickey, Borhtofja and Anonymous: 506 • Economic anthropology Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economic_anthropology?oldid=668238338 Contributors: Edward, Ihcoyc, Mydogategodshat, Morwen, Topbanana, Tanuki Z, Andycjp, Jfpierce, Jpg, Discospinster, Cretog8, Pearle, John Quiggin, RJFJR, Woohookitty, Jeff3000, Mandarax, Rjwilmsi, Jrtayloriv, CJLL Wright, YurikBot, Wavelength, Adrianzenz, RussBot, Pigman, Gaius Cornelius, Exir Kamalabadi, Bota47, Silentrob, Pawyilee, Otebig, That Guy, From That Show!, MUrielw, Sardanaphalus, SmackBot, Chris the speller, Anthon.Eff, Nakon, Greeklamb, Ligulembot, FlyHigh, CmdrObot, Thomasmeeks, Mattisse, Headbomb, Frank, X96lee15, JAnDbot, Magioladitis, Rich257, Economo, The Future, Xtifr, MartinBot, N4nojohn, Erpava, Idioma-bot, Funandtrvl, Thewolf37, Sreicher, Bawm79, Mchibnik, AlleborgoBot, SieBot, Skipsievert, Aspects, DancingPhilosopher, ClueBot, Tomas e, Parkwells, BRahn, Lbertolotti, Hans Adler, Aleksd, Regnwurm~enwiki, Asrghasrhiojadrhr, Addbot, Offenbach, DOI bot, LaaknorBot, Tassedethe, Luckas-bot, Yobot, Fraggle81, Eduen, AnomieBOT, Citation bot, LilHelpa, Xqbot, Crzer07, Editor br, Julien Demade, Citation bot 1, Octoghlon, Jonkerz, EmausBot, John of Reading, GoingBatty, Frietjes, Helpful Pixie Bot, BG19bot, IjonTichyIjonTichy, Vanished sdij4rtltkjasdk3, Schrauwers, LeeOhRa, Dagglio, Monkbot, Jeblat, KasparBot and Anonymous: 40 • Ethnobiology Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnobiology?oldid=641986298 Contributors: Edward, Lquilter, JesseW, Alan Liefting, Jokestress, CALR, LindsayH, Kwamikagami, Viriditas, Amorymeltzer, Search4Lancer, Wavelength, Hede2000, Aeusoes1, Mejor Los Indios, Hmains, Chris the speller, Audacity, JohnI, Storm Horizon, Meco, Hu12, Rougher07, CSvBibra, Millifolium, Tchoutoye, Astavats, Eurobas, STBot, Belovedfreak, DadaNeem, SJP, DASonnenfeld, VolkovBot, AlnoktaBOT, JhsBot, KAB-J, Mazdakabedi, Sanya3,

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718 Bot, Bruceanthro, Addbot, GlennMatthewE, Lightbot, Yobot, Crzer07, SergeWoodzing, John of Reading, WikitanvirBot, Bwan, H3llBot, Valtermas, Lyncho Ruiz, Mallan.mallan, OakRunner, Emaregretable and Anonymous: 18 • Ethnography Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnography?oldid=675608263 Contributors: Fred Bauder, Ixfd64, Mdebets, Ronz, Fraise, Hyacinth, JorgeGG, Matt me, Sam Spade, Mirv, Sunray, GerardM, Dina, Ramir, DocWatson42, Wikilibrarian, Transmod, Ich, DO'Neil, Jason Quinn, Jackol, Andycjp, Toytoy, Antandrus, Piotrus, Neutrality, Mschlindwein, Ukexpat, Jfpierce, D6, Discospinster, Amit pande, MisterSheik, El C, Shanes, Guettarda, Bobo192, PeterisP, Foant, Walter Görlitz, Philip Cross, Jnothman, Velella, Ish ishwar, Nilad, Adrian.benko, Maynich, Jonathanbishop, Taragui, RuM, Qwertyus, Rjwilmsi, Koavf, Jweiss11, FlaBot, Pavlo Shevelo, Margosbot~enwiki, Nimur, Chobot, JarrahTree, Pigman, Stephenb, Macukali, NawlinWiki, Madcoverboy, Leutha, Tfine80, Rmky87, Dkaufman1, Zwobot, Chase me ladies, I'm the Cavalry, Wsiegmund, Wbrameld, Sardanaphalus, SmackBot, Notafly, Jennab, Sebesta, Mcld, Dgilman, Gilliam, Denisa, Chris the speller, Bluebot, Ph7five, Colonies Chris, Andrewseal, Retinarow, Hoof Hearted, Just plain Bill, SashatoBot, Korean alpha for knowledge, Perfectblue97, Jaywubba1887, Intranetusa, RichardF, Ksbayer, Mijotoba, Aeternus, Daniel5127, CRGreathouse, CmdrObot, Bobfrombrockley, AshLin, Angryhaggis, The SK, Gregbard, Bddmagic, Chasingsol, LarryQ, Thijs!bot, HappyInGeneral, N5iln, Mojo Hand, Karl smith, Escarbot, Mentifisto, Thadius856, Weaponbb7, AntiVandalBot, Gioto, Seaphoto, Carolmooredc, Bdean1963, Falsedef, JAnDbot, MER-C, The Transhumanist, Gsaup, Grigri, Daniel Cordoba-Bahle, 20coconuts, Objectivesea, Hveziris, l Syx, JaGa, Aaronpowers, Electriceel, Stephenchou0722, Vigyani, Hasanisawi, iral, Aboutmovies, DarwinPeacock, Pundit, DorganBot, DASonnenfeld, Samian, Idioma-bot, Burlywood, VolkovBot, Alexandria, TXiKiBoT, WatchAndObserve, Christopher861, Sanfranman59, Lola Voss, Aphilo, Sydneyej, Enviroboy, Tracerbullet11, Sapphic, Cnilep, Wisamzaqoot, YURiN, SieBot, Chimin 07, 3470, Free Software Knight, Vanofspain, Comayagua99, Sanya3, OKBot, Smilo Don, Yardi, Geneticstar, Denisarona, Jrochagzz, ClueBot, LAX, Snigbrook, Infoeco, The Thing That Should Not Be, Farras Octara, Parkwells, Rockfang, Arjayay, Ruthstoops, Cowardly Lion, XLinkBot, BodhisattvaBot, SilvonenBot, Ultramartin, Alexius08, Raso mk, Addbot, Mortense, MrOllie, West.andrew.g, Tassedethe, Tide rolls, Wikiman2001, Ben Ben, Legobot, Luckas-bot, Yobot, Themfromspace, Lcyarrington, IW.HG, Synchronism, AnomieBOT, Qazwer753, JackieBot, Xufanc, Dinesh smita, Citation bot, Fritzboyle, Bob Burkhardt, Frankenpuppy, ArthurBot, LilHelpa, Xqbot, Jeffrey Mall, J04n, GrouchoBot, Omnipaedista, Shman644, Silverije, Doulos Christos, Moxy, Shadowjams, Nzoffel, FrescoBot, Taishan88, Pancocheli, Levalley, Steve Quinn, Enver62, DrilBot, I dream of horses, Ridhididi, Rambling wrek, Jauhienij, Onishinx, Martsabus, Straussthink, Tbhotch, EmausBot, Themastertree, Rockwurm, TheSoundAndTheFury, Tommy2010, HiW-Bot, PBS-AWB, Ninky76, Moonlight8888, Nel-hinnawy, Jenks24, Erianna, Philafrenzy, Monroem, Noocene, Est.r, Xanchester, ClueBot NG, Biggleswiki, Very trivial, Wikiedits28, Widr, Anastasiyka0311, Jbeyenbach, BG19bot, Roberticus, Snaevar-bot, Elliewoods92, Newsoas, Snowcountry1, Eudesplopes, Jon talbot56, Davidiad, Canoe1967, Swi521, Shimmeryshad27, 2ytbal, Ryantjohnston8, Meatsgains, Muehleba~enwiki, Flantille, Meclee, Lisafarlow, Winston Trechane, Fylbecatulous, Caroline K. Gibbons, ChrisGualtieri, Linyent2, Mssclanz, Sociologyindia, ,‫عبدالعزيز بن محيسن‬ ‫ַאְבָרָהם‬, Hippocamp, Schrauwers, Lsachith, Competing, Ewible, Iamanthro, Sanjeevsingh79, Smboca, Benidlo, Monkbot, Patsyque, Tahmid hasan shajal, Ihaveacatonmydesk, MusingMollusk, Akritika91, Patitsel, Pmurpmur, SunMoonGirl, Giuseppe Donatiello, Emi.pasquier and Anonymous: 334 • Ethnology Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnology?oldid=674898492 Contributors: Bryan Derksen, Slrubenstein, SimonP, Boud, Menchi, TakuyaMurata, Glenn, Reddi, Hyacinth, Pavel~enwiki, JorgeGG, Owen, Robbot, Kowey, Steeev, Hadal, DocWatson42, Nadavspi, Bobblewik, Andycjp, DragonflySixtyseven, Lucidish, EugeneZelenko, Rich Farmbrough, ESkog, El C, Bobo192, Kappa, Licon, Jigen III, Msh210, Alansohn, Leonardo Alves, SidP, Adrian.benko, Eleassar777, Wikiklrsc, Graham87, Gurch, BMF81, Soul assassin~enwiki, Roboto de Ajvol, Borgx, Eleassar, Bruxism, Baudrillard, Kewp, Stefeyboy, SMcCandlish, Saltmarsh, Marquez~enwiki, SmackBot, Anthonyrford, Ema Zee, Chris the speller, Bluebot, Kurykh, Ctbolt, Can't sleep, clown will eat me, SundarBot, Sogospelman, Downwards, Qmwne235, SashatoBot, Lapaz, Tazmaniacs, Santa Sangre, Maksim L., Iwfx, ILovePlankton, WGee, Dia^, CmdrObot, Thijs!bot, Helgus, Futurebird, Seaphoto, Goldenrowley, D. Webb, Bdean1963, Cherylyoung, JAnDbot, Grigri, EvgenyGenkin, Novickas, JaGa, Enaidmawr, D.h, Dalejarvis, R'n'B, Nigholith, Treisijs, Idioma-bot, Funandtrvl, Tertulius, Ariobarzan, TXiKiBoT, Eco ant, Alphaios~enwiki, BotKung, Anarchangel, Farkas János, Tracerbullet11, CT Cooper, AdRock, SieBot, StAnselm, Smobri, JabbaTheBot, Orereta, Carca220nne, JL-Bot, MacedonianBoy, Maniago, SchreiberBike, Webster17, Kakofonous, Newsroom hierarchies, Pfhorrest, PeeJee, Addbot, Manuel Trujillo Berges, Ccacsmss, Baisemain, Jarble, Legobot, Luckas-bot, Yobot, Angel ivanov angelov, Ciphers, Rubinbot, Vroomik, JackieBot, Xufanc, Bob Burkhardt, Xqbot, DSisyphBot, RibotBOT, Canto2009, GhalyBot, Moxy, Yanajin33, BenzolBot, Impala2009, Brionthorpe, LilyKitty, EmausBot, AvicBot, ZéroBot, PBS-AWB, Carmichael, ChuispastonBot, ClueBot NG, Maadikhah, Valtermas, Titodutta, KLBot2, Schrauwers, Sanjeevsingh79, Library Guy, D. Cordoba-Bahle, KasparBot and Anonymous: 94 • Human Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human?oldid=675569905 Contributors: AxelBoldt, Lee Daniel Crocker, Vicki Rosenzweig, Mav, Wesley, Bryan Derksen, Robert Merkel, Zundark, The Anome, Tarquin, Taw, Slrubenstein, -- April, Ed Poor, Wayne Hardman, Andre Engels, Youssefsan, Danny, PierreAbbat, Nate Silva, Miguel~enwiki, William Avery, Shii, Hannes Hirzel, Ellmist, Zoe, Azhyd, Heron, Hotlorp, Dwheeler, Montrealais, Modemac, Hephaestos, Olivier, Rickyrab, Stevertigo, Edward, Lir, Patrick, JohnOwens, Tillwe, Michael Hardy, Tim Starling, Stormwriter, rompt, Fred Bauder, Lexor, AdamRaizen, Liftarn, Gabbe, Stewacide, Tannin, Ixfd64, Cyde, IZAK, TakuyaMurata, Minesweeper, Looxix~enwiki, FionaE, Ihcoyc, Ahoerstemeier, Mark Forest, Erich, Statkit1, JWSchmidt, Julesd, Glenn, Peter Kaminski, Cyan, Michael Shields, Nikai, Tristanb, Jiang, Palfrey, Jeandré du Toit, Evercat, Rawr, Astudent, Atob, EdH, Mxn, Denny, Conti, JASpencer, Quizkajer, Hawthorn, Ec5618, Eszett, Timwi, Nohat, Andrevan, RickK, Reddi, Ike9898, Tedius Zanarukando, Jay, Fuzheado, Rednblu, Dtgm, Zoicon5, DJ Clayworth, Haukurth, Krithin, Tpbradbury, Maximus Rex, Grendelkhan, Lvf1dipu, VeryVerily, SEWilco, Paul-L~enwiki, Ed g2s, SirJective, Samsara, Thue, Bevo, Shizhao, Wiwaxia, Stormie, Raul654, AnonMoos, Hawstom, Jusjih, Banno, Guppy, Frazzydee, AnthonyQBachler, Francs2000, Owen, Carlossuarez46, Jni, Dimadick, Twang, Jason Potter, Phil Boswell, Rogper~enwiki, Branddobbe, Nufy8, Robbot, Fredrik, Tlogmer, Korath, RedWolf, Goethean, Altenmann, Peak, Romanm, JosephBarillari, Sam Spade, Mayooranathan, Postdlf, Kesuari, Academic Challenger, Rursus, Meelar, Humus sapiens, Paradox2, Diderot, Roscoe x, DHN, Andrew Levine, Bkell, Radomil, Intangir, Hadal, Millosh, UtherSRG, Wereon, Johnstone, Paul Murray, Raeky, Aggelophoros, Lupo, SoLando, HaeB, Seth Ilys, Pengo, Adam78, Alan Liefting, Enochlau, Marc Venot, Cedars, Ancheta Wis, Timvasquez, Centrx, Giftlite, Dbenbenn, DocWatson42, Christopher Parham, Desplesda, MPF, Andy, Andries, DavidCary, Nat Krause, Robin Patterson, Kim Bruning, Philwelch, Wolfkeeper, Kenny sh, Schopenhauer, Cobaltbluetony, Ævar Arnfjörð Bjarmason, Netoholic, Abigail-II, Tom harrison, Timpo, Fastfission, Derobert, Aphaia, Zigger, Obli, TomSwiss, Bfinn, Everyking, Bkonrad, Moyogo, Dratman, FeloniousMonk, Bens, Joe Kress, Frencheigh, Racter, Duncharris, Gareth Wyn, Beta m, Avsa, Ezhiki, Ptk~enwiki, Sundar, Kpalion, Dolfin~enwiki, Grant65, Golbez, Mateuszica, Wolfgang1018, ChicXulub, PeterC, Fishal, SoWhy, Pgan002, Andycjp, Ruy Lopez, Gdr, Marriex, Yath, Sonjaaa, Quadell, Ran, PauloColacino~enwiki, Antandrus, HorsePunchKid, Onco p53, Robert Brockway, Piotrus, Kaldari, Jossi, MacGyverMagic, Captain Planet, Rdsmith4, Greydream, DragonflySixtyseven, Grinner, Jesster79, Maximaximax, Pethan, Lucky13pjn, Icairns, GeoGreg, Eranb, Sam Hocevar, Starx, Arcturus, JHCC, ChaTo, Neutrality, Quota, Ukexpat, Neumannkun, Deglr6328, Flex, Lacrimosus, Esperant, Bluemask, RevRagnarok, N-k, Mike Rosoft, Quirk, Oskar Sigvardsson, Alkivar, Brianjd, Ta bu shi da yu, Jayjg, ClockworkTroll, Heegoop, Sparky the Seventh Chaos, DanielCD, Jiy, JTN, Carl Henderson, Mindspillage, 83-129-67-118, RossPatterson,

3.1. TEXT

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Moverton, Discospinster, Solitude, Rich Farmbrough, KillerChihuahua, Supercoop, Clawed, Inkypaws, Wrp103, Vsmith, Jpk, Zappaz, Silence, Dave souza, Warpflyght, Lulu of the Lotus-Eaters, Adamrmoss, SocratesJedi, 1pezguy, Dbachmann, Paul August, SpookyMulder, Night Gyr, Mario todte, Bender235, Dewet, ESkog, Calamarain, Evice, Kaszeta, CanisRufus, E Pluribus Anthony redux, Yasis, *drew, El C, Fenevad, Miraceti, Lycurgus, DamianFinol, Cedders, Lankiveil, QuartierLatin1968, Laurascudder, Aude, Shanes, RoyBoy, LordRM, Maqsarian, Xed, WhiteTimberwolf, CeeGee, Stephian, Dustinasby, Bobo192, Kremit, Harley peters, Smalljim, Nectarflowed, Viriditas, Chessphoon, Elipongo, Foobaz, Husker007, Redquark, Cavrdg, Aquillion, La goutte de pluie, Nk, Roy da Vinci, Thewayforward, WikiLeon, Apostrophe, Vanished 19794758563875, Aluchko, Pharos, Crimea~enwiki, ClementSeveillac, Amm86, Conny, Oolong, Ranveig, Raj2004, Bob rulz, Rashed, Alansohn, Gary, Foant, Mark Dingemanse, LtNOWIS, Mo0, Ungtss, Jordan117, Miranche, 119, Sabine’s Sunbird, Mr Adequate, Keenan Pepper, Queson, Tabor, Andrewpmk, Andrew Gray, Paradiso, Wouterstomp, D prime, Riana, AzaToth, Ahruman, SlimVirgin, Lightdarkness, Mr bowen2000, Cdc, Malo, Titanium Dragon, Avenue, Bart133, Wtmitchell, Max rspct, Arch~enwiki, L33th4x0rguy, TaintedMustard, Rebroad, Dabbler, Knowledge Seeker, Stephan Leeds, Starman 1976, NickMartin, Dinoguy2, Tony Sidaway, Amorymeltzer, Grenavitar, CloudNine, Vuo, LFaraone, Marykeiran, P Ingerson, Bsadowski1, EventHorizon, Kusma, Jguk, BDD, Qooth, SteinbDJ, Gene Nygaard, Chamaeleon, LukeSurl, Antifamilymang, Voldemort, BadSeed, Oleg Alexandrov, Ott, WayneMokane, Dtobias, Gatewaycat, D'Iberville, A D Monroe III, Jackhynes, Dejvid, Stemonitis, Gmaxwell, Chardish, Angr, Velho, Boothy443, Kelly Martin, Firsfron, Jeffrey O. 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3.2 Images • File:AFKollar_1779.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/93/AFKollar_1779.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: library catalog Original artist: Josef Hauzinger • File:Adad-Nirari_stela.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/12/Adad-Nirari_stela.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: ? Original artist: ? • File:Aerial_photograph_of_Maiden_Castle_from_the_west,_1937.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/ 2f/Aerial_photograph_of_Maiden_Castle_from_the_west%2C_1937.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: Ashmolean Museum Original artist: Major George Allen (1891–1940) • File:African_sccs_cultures.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/22/African_sccs_cultures.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: ? Original artist: ? • File:Alison_Phillips.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/9c/Alison_Phillips.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: Alison Phillips Original artist: Louise Phillips, wife of Alison Phillips • File:Ambox_globe_content.svg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/bd/Ambox_globe_content.svg License: Public domain Contributors: Own work, using File:Information icon3.svg and File:Earth clip art.svg Original artist: penubag • File:Ambox_important.svg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b4/Ambox_important.svg License: Public domain Contributors: Own work, based off of Image:Ambox scales.svg Original artist: Dsmurat (talk · contribs) • File:Anterior_view_of_human_female_and_male,_with_labels_2.png Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/ commons/e/e5/Anterior_view_of_human_female_and_male%2C_with_labels_2.png License: CC0 Contributors: This file was derived from: Anterior view of human female and male, with labels.jpg: Original artist: Anterior_view_of_human_female_and_male,_with_labels.jpg: Mikael Häggström • File:Archeologists_sign_at_Lubbock_Lake_Monument_IMG_1591.JPG Source: commons/9/9b/Archeologists_sign_at_Lubbock_Lake_Monument_IMG_1591.JPG License: Original artist: Billy Hathorn

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• File:Bronislawmalinowski.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f6/Bronislawmalinowski.jpg License: No restrictions Contributors: Bronislaw Malinowski, c1930 Original artist: Library of the London School of Economics and Political Science • File:Bronisław_Malinowski_among_Trobriand_tribe.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/69/Bronis% C5%82aw_Malinowski_among_Trobriand_tribe.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: http://www.spedycje.pl/logistyka/11616/ $-$1-/bronislaw_malinowski_bieg_przez_przeszkody_i_obyczaj_kula.html Original artist: Unknown (maybe Stanisław Ignacy Witkiewicz, 1885-1939) • File:Burkina_Faso_girl.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/21/Burkina_Faso_girl.jpg License: CC BYSA 2.0 Contributors: my hair is really cool ... 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• File:Farmer_plowing.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/e7/Farmer_plowing_in_Fahrenwalde%2C_ Mecklenburg-Vorpommern%2C_.jpg License: GFDL Contributors: Transferred from the German Wikipedia. Original file is/was here. ([#Original__log Original log] available below.) Original artist: Ralf Roletschek • File:Folder_Hexagonal_Icon.svg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/4/48/Folder_Hexagonal_Icon.svg License: Cc-bysa-3.0 Contributors: ? Original artist: ? • File:FranzBoas.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/62/FranzBoas.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: ? Original artist: ? • File:Fridtjof_Nansen,_Les_deux_étapes_de_la_faim_(1922).jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/05/ Fridtjof_Nansen%2C_Les_deux_%C3%A9tapes_de_la_faim_%281922%29.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: http://www. artukraine.com/famineart/famine10.htm. Original artist: Fridtjof Nansen (1861–1930) • File:Greek_Colonization_Archaic_Period.png Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f7/Greek_Colonization_ Archaic_Period.png License: CC0 Contributors: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Greek_Colonization.png Original artist: Regaliorum • File:HappyPensioneer.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/13/HappyPensioneer.jpg License: CC-BY-SA3.0 Contributors: ? Original artist: ? • File:Heart_icon_red_hollow.svg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/52/Heart_icon_red_hollow.svg License: CC0 Contributors: • Heart_left-highlight_jon_01.svg Original artist: Heart_left-highlight_jon_01.svg: Jon Phillips • File:Hominidae_chart.svg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/7f/Hominidae_chart.svg License: CC BY-SA 4.0 Contributors: Original artist: Fred the Oyster • File:Homo_habilis-2.JPG Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/61/Homo_habilis-2.JPG License: CC-BY-SA3.0 Contributors: • Homo_habilis.JPG Original artist: • unknown (klimaundmensch.de) • File:Human_remains.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/de/Human_remains.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: ? Original artist: ? • File:Indian_family_in_Brazil_posed_in_front_of_hut.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/06/Indian_ family_in_Brazil_posed_in_front_of_hut.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: Frank and s Carpenter Collection - Library of Congress (see below) Original artist: Unknown • File:Insular_pacific.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/fb/Insular_pacific.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: ? Original artist: ? • File:Inuit_Amautiq_1995-06-15.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/97/Inuit_Amautiq_1995-06-15.jpg License: CC BY-SA 2.5 Contributors: photo taken by Ansgar Walk Original artist: Ansgar Walk • File:Iowa_archaeology_edgewater.JPG Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/48/Iowa_archaeology_ edgewater.JPG License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: Transferred from en.wikipedia; transferred to Commons by :Sfan00_IMG using CommonsHelper. Original artist: Billwhittaker (talk). Original er was Billwhittaker at en.wikipedia • File:Issoria_lathonia.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/2d/Issoria_lathonia.jpg License: CC-BY-SA-3.0 Contributors: ? Original artist: ? • File:Izmir_Ethnography_Museum.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/5d/Izmir_Ethnography_Museum. jpg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: Self Original artist: :Quintucket • File:Jewish_Children_with_their_Teacher_in_Samarkand.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/15/ Jewish_Children_with_their_Teacher_in_Samarkand.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: This image is available from the United States Library of Congress's Prints and Photographs division under the digital ID ppmsc.04442. This tag does not indicate the copyright status of the attached work. A normal copyright tag is still required. See Commons:Licensing for more information.

Original artist: Sergey Prokudin-Gorsky • File:Karyotype.png Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b2/Karyotype.png License: Public domain Contributors: Modified from Human Genome Project Original artist: Courtesy: National Human Genome Research Institute • File:Kula_bracelet.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/75/Kula_bracelet.jpg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: Brocken Inaglory • File:Levi-strauss_260.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b8/Levi-strauss_260.jpg License: CC BY 3.0 Contributors: Transferred from en.wikipedia Original artist: UNESCO/Michel Ravassard • File:Looting_rontoy2007.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/8/80/Looting_rontoy2007.jpg License: CC-BY-3.0 Contributors: ? Original artist: ? • File:Lorenzo_Lippi_001.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/37/Lorenzo_Lippi_001.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: The Yorck Project: 10.000 Meisterwerke der Malerei. DVD-ROM, 2002. ISBN 3936122202. Distributed by DIRECTMEDIA Publishing GmbH. Original artist: Lorenzo Lippi • File:Lousonna01.JPG Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/36/Lousonna01.JPG License: CC0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: Flobert

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• File:Maasai_tribe.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/99/Maasai_tribe.jpg License: CC-BY-SA-3.0 Contributors: ? Original artist: ? • File:Map-of-human-migrations.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/37/Map-of-human-migrations.jpg License: CC-BY-SA-3.0 Contributors: ? Original artist: ? • File:Margaret_Mead_(1901-1978).jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/99/Margaret_Mead_ %281901-1978%29.jpg License: No restrictions Contributors: Margaret Mead (1901-1978) Original artist: Smithsonian Institution from United States • File:McKinley_Prosperity.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/0a/McKinley_Prosperity.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: This image is available from the United States Library of Congress's Prints and Photographs division under the digital ID h.3b52834. This tag does not indicate the copyright status of the attached work. A normal copyright tag is still required. See Commons:Licensing for more information.

Original artist: Northwestern Litho. Co, Milwaukee • File:Moai_Easter_Island_InvMH-35-61-1.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/da/Moai_Easter_Island_ InvMH-35-61-1.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: Jastrow (2006) Original artist: Unknown • File:Monte_Albán_archeological_site,_Oaxaca.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f2/Monte_Alb% C3%A1n_archeological_site%2C_Oaxaca.jpg License: CC-BY-SA-3.0 Contributors: ? Original artist: ? • File:NIA_human_brain_drawing.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/a6/NIA_human_brain_drawing.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: http://www.nia.nih.gov/sites/default/files/nia-ad-image02_large.jpg Original artist: National Institute for Aging, a branch of NIH. As a work created by a US government employee, this is in the public domain • File:Nagasakibomb.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/e0/Nagasakibomb.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: http://www.archives.gov/research/military/ww2/photos/images/ww2-163.jpg National Archives image (208-N-43888) Original artist: Charles Levy from one of the B-29 Superfortresses used in the attack. • File:North_american_sccs_cultures.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/7f/North_american_sccs_ cultures.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: ? Original artist: ? • File:Noć_muzeja_2014,_Čakovec_-_poljoprivredni_izlošci.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/0f/ No%C4%87_muzeja_2014%2C_%C4%8Cakovec_-_poljoprivredni_izlo%C5%A1ci.jpg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: Silverije • File:Néolithique_0001.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/6b/N%C3%A9olithique_0001.jpg License: CC BY-SA 2.5 Contributors: ? Original artist: ? • File:Office-book.svg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/a8/Office-book.svg License: Public domain Contributors: This and myself. Original artist: Chris Down/Tango project • File:Okapi2.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/18/Okapi2.jpg License: CC-BY-SA-3.0 Contributors: ? Original artist: ? • File:P_human_body.svg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/09/P_human_body.svg License: CC-BY-SA-3.0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: Yosi I • File:Paris_-_Playing_chess_at_the_Jardins_du_Luxembourg_-_2966.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/ commons/5/57/Paris_-_Playing_chess_at_the_Jardins_du_Luxembourg_-_2966.jpg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: Jorge Royan • File:Pataxo001.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/9b/Pataxo001.jpg License: CC BY 3.0 br Contributors: http://www.agenciabrasil.gov.br/media/imagens/2007/11/27/2047VC055.jpg/view Original artist: Valter Campanato/ABr • File:Plate_depicting_emotions_of_grief_from_Charles_Darwin’{}s_book_The_Expression_of_the_Emotions.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/0c/Plate_depicting_emotions_of_grief_from_Charles_Darwin%27s_book_The_ Expression_of_the_Emotions.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: Beinecke Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Yale University [2] Original artist: Charles Darwin (author of volume); unknown photographer of plate • File:Portal-puzzle.svg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/f/fd/Portal-puzzle.svg License: Public domain Contributors: ? Original artist: ? • File:Preparing_The_Feast.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/af/Preparing_The_Feast.jpg License: CC BY 2.0 Contributors: Flickr: Preparing The Feast Original artist: Riza Nugraha • File:Primatenskelett-drawing-transparent.png Primatenskelett-drawing-transparent.png License: Unknown

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Original artist: Sergey Prokudin-Gorsky • File:Punjabi_woman_smile.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/05/Punjabi_woman_smile.jpg License: CC BY-SA 2.0 Contributors: Flickr Original artist: Raminder pal Singh • File:Punu_mask_Gabon.JPG Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/19/Punu_mask_Gabon.JPG License: GFDL Contributors: Punu Mask. Primitive art collection. Original artist: arts-primitive.com • File:Question_book-new.svg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/9/99/Question_book-new.svg License: Cc-by-sa-3.0 Contributors: Created from scratch in Adobe Illustrator. Based on Image:Question book.png created by :Equazcion Original artist: Tkgd2007

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• File:Red_Pencil_Icon.png Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/74/Red_Pencil_Icon.png License: CC0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: Peter coxhead • File:Redheaded_child_mesmerized_2.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/7b/Redheaded_child_ mesmerized_2.jpg License: CC BY 2.5 Contributors: URL: http://www.keysphotography.com/photopages/2007-03-04.php Original artist: en::Steevven1 • File:Rowan_Williams_Bec_27may05.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/cd/Rowan_Williams_Bec_ 27may05.jpg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: Roland Brierre • File:Russian_honor_guard_at_Tomb_of_the_Unknown_Soldier,_Alexander_Garden_welcomes_Michael_G._Mullen_ 2009-06-26_2.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f2/Russian_honor_guard_at_Tomb_of_the_Unknown_ Soldier%2C_Alexander_Garden_welcomes_Michael_G._Mullen_2009-06-26_2.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: This Image was released by the United States Navy with the ID 090626-N-0696M-060 (next). This tag does not indicate the copyright status of the attached work. A normal copyright tag is still required. See Commons:Licensing for more information.

Original artist: MC1 Chad J. McNeeley, U.S. Navy • File:Ruth_Benedict.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/93/Ruth_Benedict.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: Library of Congress. New York World-Telegram & Sun Collection. http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/h.3c14649 Original artist: World Telegram staff photographer • File:Seti1a.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/ce/Seti1a.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: Hornung, The Tomb of Pharaoh Seti I, 1991. Original artist: • Unknown (original) • Heinrich Menu von Minutoli (1772–1846) (drawing) • File:SharonTemple.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/27/SharonTemple.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: Original publication: unknown Immediate source: Sharon Temple Museum Original artist: unknown (Life time: unknown) • File:Sifting_for_POW_remains,_Wake_Island.jpg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/ac/Sifting_ for_POW_remains%2C_Wake_Island.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: http://www.af.mil/shared/media/photodb/photos/ 080112-F-2034C-215.jpg Original artist: U.S. Air Force photo/Tech. Sgt. Shane A. Cuomo • File:Sound-icon.svg Source: https://.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/47/Sound-icon.svg License: Derivative work from Silsor's versio Original artist: Crystal SVG icon set

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